Outwork your haters ⚠️中文寫在下面⚠️
Let the fundamental core of your reaction from those people, to outwork and outperform every single one of them.
What do you do about the negative guy(s) who’s trying to bring you down?
You could confront them, sure. But by doing that you join in their little game. In doing that, you give them satisfaction and they now know they go into your head.
However, the preferred methodology for me in this situation is quite simple. And that is to ignore and outperform them.
While you’re all over there, watching me and talking about me, I’m working. I’m working HARD. I’m taking things in my life to the next level.
You keep gossiping and I’ll keep working
You keep talking smack and I’ll keep working
You keep focusing on everything and everyone else and I’ll keep working.
And when you finally look around at where you are and where I’m at. You realize you have nothing left to talk smack about.
You will lose and I will win. Period.
-by @jockowillink
@homie_homzilla and I both, as well as a few other people who I’m good with know what it’s like to be on the shit end of the stick. We both understand this.
🔺You knock me down 7 times, I’m gonna stand up 8🔺
Chin up, chest tall and proud brotha. Good things are coming.
◾️打敗那些Hater、看不起你的人◾️
「你要保持你的初心,用你的行動表達自己,比那些人更勤勞、更超過那些人」。
-
你對那些試著貶低你、嘲笑你、讓你失望、給你負面情緒、看不起你的人怎麼辦?
🥸
當然可以直接面對槓起來,但這樣做,只會加入他們無聊的遊戲,讓他們稱心如意,他們會滿足看到你的挫敗,知道他們所說的已經打擊到你。
-
但,在這種情況下,我的解決方法非常簡單,那就是忽略和超越這些人。
當你在那邊談論我、貶低我、嘲笑我、我的工作。 而我在努力工作,我正在將我生活中的事物、以及我的人生,推向全新的高度。
-
當你一直在講廢話,我會繼續工作;當你一直在蹉跎光陰,而我會繼續工作,
你一直花時間專注在別人身上、攻擊別人、以打擊別人為樂,而我仍會繼續努力。
當你終於環顧自己的四周及人生目標時,
你的高度在哪裡,而我的高度在哪裡,
你會意識到自己無話可說並且十分可笑。
-
你會輸,
而我會贏。
#motivation #motivationalquotes #keepgoing #strong #ironwill #willpower #mind #mindset #notdoneyet #success #haters #hatersgonnahate #strength #unbreakable #bodybuilding #body #台灣 #台北 #健美 #身材 #帥 #帥哥 #加油 #兄弟 #肌肉 #意志力 #heart #everyday #better #betterthanyesterday
同時也有10000部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過2,910的網紅コバにゃんチャンネル,也在其Youtube影片中提到,...
「hard to ignore 中文」的推薦目錄:
hard to ignore 中文 在 黃之鋒 Joshua Wong Facebook 的最佳解答
【After Winning Majority in LegCo: Beijing's Crackdown May Trigger International Intervention】
***感謝Hong Kong Columns - Translated,將我早前撰寫『議會過半想像:以「#國際攬炒」反制「臨立會2.0」』長文(https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.313299448762570/2887650867994069/)翻譯成英文,鼓勵國際社會關注立會選舉一旦過半的沙盤推演,在最惡劣形勢下的制衡策略。***
中文精簡版本:https://www.facebook.com/joshuawongchifung/photos/a.564294826996363/2888641404561682/
Hongkongers have experienced our revolution for over half a year. They no longer take a consequentialist view to the effectiveness of their movement as they did years ago, or waste time second-guessing the intentions and background of fellow activists. Following the defensive battles at CUHK and PolyU, November’s District Council election saw a great victory of unity. More marvellous is the union between peaceful and “valiant” protesters.
In the process of resisting tyranny, the people have realised that one cannot prioritize one strategy over another. This is also how the common goal of “35+” came into being—the hope that we will win over half of the seats in the Legislative Council (LegCo) this September, such that the political spectrum that represents the majority of Hongkongers is able to gain control of legislative decisions. The political clout of Hongkongers will increase if 35 or more seats are successfully secured on our side. It is certainly one vital step to achieve the five demands within the system.
The possibility of realizing legislative majority
Technically it is not unrealistic to win a majority even under the current undemocratic system. Back in the 2016 LegCo election, we already won 30 seats. In addition to the District Council (First) functional constituency seat that is already in the pocket of the pan-democrats, as long as the candidates in Kowloon East and New Territories West do not start infighting again, we could safely secure 33 seats based on the number of pan-dem votes in 2016.
The other 3 seats required to achieve a majority depend on democrats’ breakthrough among the functional constituencies by dispersing the resources of the Liaison Office. They also count on whether the turnout this September could exceed 71.2% — that of last year’s District Council elections. Some of the factors that could affect the turnout include: will the epidemic persist into the summer? Will there be potential violent repression of protests in the 2 weeks preceding the election? Will Hong Kong-US relations be affected by the downturn of the global economy?
Therefore, the ambition of “35+” is to be prioritised by the resistance as both a means and an end. I have already expressed my support for an intra-party primary at the coordination meeting. In the meantime, it is pleasing to see the ongoing debates reaching a consensus of maximising the seats among geographical constituencies in the upcoming election.
Whilst enthusiastic coordination, we should also assess the post-election landscape and gauge Beijing’s reactions: if we do not reach 35 seats, Hong Kong will be subject to tighter control and more severe repression by China; but if the democratic parties successfully form a majority in LegCo, CCP’s fears of a “constitutional crisis” would become imminent. Hence, the key questions are how the Pan-Democrats should deal with the volatile political situation in Hong Kong and how they are going to meet Beijing’s charge head-on.
Watching out for Beijing’s dismissal of LegCo after reaching majority
To take back control of LegCo such that it faithfully reflects the majority’s principles and needs is the definition of a healthy democracy. Recently, however, DAB’s Tam Yiu-chung has warned that the plan of the Pan-Dems to “usurp power” in the LegCo would only lead to Beijing’s forceful disqualification of certain members or the interpretation of the Basic Law. This proves that winning a majority in LegCo is not only a popular conception but also a realistic challenge that would get on the nerves of Beijing. Could Beijing accept a President James To in LegCo? These unknown variables must be addressed upon achieving a majority.
While there is no telltale sign as to Beijing’s exact strategy, we are already familiar with the way CCP manipulated the Basic Law in the past 4 years. Having experienced three waves of disqualifications in LegCo, twice kicked out of LegCo with my team, and thrice locked up in jail, I have no false hopes of an easy compromise from Beijing: they would not let Pan-Dems control LegCo for half a year and wait (as is the proper procedure) until after having negatived the Budget to dissolve the legislature, and thereby giving them an easy victory in the re-elections. The greater the Pan-Dems threaten Beijing’s rule in Hong Kong, the more likely that it will trigger Beijing’s repression.
Since the disqualification and arrest of lawmakers have already become “normalised”, one can even imagine the police stepping into the LegCo building to force Pan-Dems into voting. Neither is it beyond our imagination to expect the CCP to kick out all 70 lawmakers in a fit of rage and replace them with a provisional LegCo “2.0” [HKCT note: The first was from 25 Jan 1997 to 30 Jun 1998]. To depend on a majority that could lead to a chapter of a “new testament” for One Country, Two Systems is perhaps what many elites long for, but they are overly optimistic:for a ticket to the promised land will not be available at the Chief Executive election campaign a year and a half later.
Admittedly, the Pan-Dems cannot unilaterally initiate “Laam-chaau” [HKCT note: mostly translated into “scorched-earth” mentality or “mutual destruction”; some even translated into “If I burn, you burn with us”]. The most they can do is to force a standstill of the government, and not for long the LegCo will have been eliminated from the equation to make the wheels turn again. It all leaves the plan of “Negativing the motion → Dissolving LegCo → Re-election after re-election → the stepping down of Carrie Lam” merely as overly positive speculation, probably resulting from their overestimate of CCP's capacity for rational calculation. The Pan-Dems must guard their frontlines and recognise what the biggest threat from Hong Kong to China could be. In this case, should LegCo sessions be disrupted or suspended, the Pan-Dems would have to be well prepared to surmount the expected obstacles and prevent the disqualification crisis 4 years ago—a Catch-22 indeed.
Productive tension from global intervention: Using Laam-chaau against the CCP
What aggravates the CCP the most is the potential threat to Hong Kong’s unique status as the one and only “separate customs territory”. Any miscalculation will compromise its role as the Chinese economy’s “white gloves”. Imagine if CCP were to disqualify all 70 elected lawmakers and convene a meeting north of the Shenzhen River to pass a resolution to Hong Kong’s affairs (much like the Provisional Legislative Council “1.0" in 1997), how great will the shock be in a world with an effective Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act? However hard it is to predict the future one thing is certain: With the US presidential election just around the corner, blows to the separation of powers would not be tolerated, and the West would necessarily effect countermeasures against the Hong Kong government.
Beijing has been relying upon Hong Kong to navigate the international community for decades. While clamping down on the political freedom of the cosmopolitan city, Beijing desires to maintain the financial centre’s economic freedom. Hence, we started lobbying for the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act four years ago, and today we are determined to promote “Laam-chaau” on an international scale.
The will of the voters must be reflected in an election. If a “35+” legislature were to be dismissed and replaced, such flagrant violation of democracy would assuredly cause a greater backlash than the infamous extradition bill. Knowing what the reality ahead of us could be, we have to combine our election and international strategies to oppose the placement of a 35+ LegCo with an “Emergency Legislative Council 2.0”, to advance an international “Laam-chaau” to Hong Kong’s status as “separate customs territory”. Only then will we stand a chance to resist the regime and to realise the five demands.
Adjusting our mindset: Overcoming the “constitutional crisis” to reach a resolution
Upon the realization of the “35+” LegCo, it is expected that the CCP will launch a devastating counterattack. The Pan-Dems should not expect LegCo to run normally; neither can the lawmakers realise their governing blueprints they have for Hong Kong. Rather, candidates will be able to compete against one another with visions of a liberated Hong Kong through popular vote. Bringing this point up has nothing to do with undermining the common goal of reaching a majority in LegCo, but rather channels the battle of LegCo to positive use upon the rule of law’s death and a “constitutional crisis” ahead. Knowing that Hongkongers have nothing to fall back on, all Pan-Dems should not miss the only way to the realization of “35+”.
Thus, be they partisans, nonpartisans, incumbent politicians, amateur politicians, or the civil society as a whole – if we stay in the political discourse of 2016 and continue to perpetuate old stereotypes, that is to deal with the divisions on the pan-democratic camp by favouring the most “local” faction; to consider only resource allocation and self-aggrandizement as the purpose of a LegCo campaign; to ignore how potential lawmakers are fitted to what specific roles; to turn a blind eye to the journey of resistance since last summer (extending indefinitely into the future)—They would lead as astray and cost us lose a precious opportunity for change by winning a 35+ majority.
The extent to which the pan-democrats can stay united in light of the political atmosphere since last summer is another problem that our side must to address. Before the watershed moment of 12th June 2019, many democratic delegates were trapped in the mentality of needing to “preserve people’s livelihood”, “be content of what we have accomplished”, and other strategies that favours stability. As the government refuses to heed to the five demands, whether the democrats, especially those in the functional constituencies, have the political will to go all-in is the real difficult question that confronts us in the upcoming LegCo election.
All in all, if “35+” cannot be realised, it is unsurprising to see LegCo being more heavily suppressed in the next 4 years; even if "35+" is achieved, it is questionable whether the pan-democrats are able to weather multiple attacks, verbal or physical, from the regime (judging from its power in the last four years) and utilise the international Laam-chaau strategy against the displacement of LegCo. Adhering to the motto of “we fight on, each in his own way”, I can only hope that Hongkongers in elections, street confrontations and international front can reconcile with each other, so that we may collectively compel the government to yield to our demands in the next six months. It is only by reaching a resolution before a real constitutional crisis that we can combat the institutional violence of the regime and not be devoured by it.
https://hkcolumn.blogspot.com/2020/04/joshua-wong-after-winning-majority-in.html?fbclid=IwAR216gf53pG_j9JOpDfr2GItvjLfrFSekKTPzoEs3-s9KBqvPEwz865P8vw
hard to ignore 中文 在 葉大華 Facebook 的最讚貼文
Taiwan Social Welfare Organizations support Taiwan’s meaningful participation in the 2018 WHA
As declared in the WHO Constitution, “The enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of health is one of the fundamental rights of every human being without distinction of race, religion, political belief, economic or social condition.” In light of this founding principle, we submit that every Taiwanese citizen has the fundamental right to participate in the WHA and the WHO.
The WHO has long espoused Universal Health Coverage (UHC) and promoted children’s early development as well as adolescents’ health and welfare around the world. In this spirit, Taiwan was the first Asian country to institute UHC, and has achieved an insurance coverage rate of 99.9% through relatively low annual health expenditures of 6.3% of GDP. Taiwan is willing and able to share the lessons it has learned from this successful experience with other nations at the WHA. Without Taiwan’s attendance at the WHA, and participation in the WHO’s technical meetings, co-operations and activities, the global health system would certainly lose a crucial and valuable collaborative partner, and significantly delay the implementation of the WHO’s central objective: improving the health and welfare of all people.
In a statement issued on Rare Disease Day 2018, the WHO emphasized that the concept of UHC embraces access to needed health care for all people, including sufferers of rare disease, without imposing undue financial hardship. Taiwan was the only nation to have officially incorporated rare disease prevention and patient welfare into its Rare Disease Act legislation. Its National Health Insurance system provides full reimbursement for all needed medication, and subsidizes special nutritional supplements and emergency medication for rare disease patients. Taiwan’s outstanding accomplishments and experience in the care of rare diseases should be shared internationally to galvanize the advancement of UHC.
Over the past decades, Taiwan government and social welfare organizations also have dedicated to seeking necessary resource as healthcare, medicines-supply and social caring for disadvantaged groups through legislation, advocacy or group-interaction which to construct a solidity and energetic social welfare system. To ensure every disadvantage people can be taken care of under a proper medical system. No necessary considering potential financial risks among families to secure basic health and security.
Taiwan has been actively participating in international health care organizations for a long time. Taiwan’s non-governmental organizations have spread across the world. There are more than 73 countries, 336 major plans and international exchanges have been implemented and there is countless substantive diplomacy happened. The step-by-step, pragmatic, and true occurrence means that Taiwan has the ability to make substantial contributions to help the disadvantaged groups around the world.
Taiwan social welfare organizations are willing to share the mission and experience in the caring of disadvantaged groups internationally to galvanize the advancement of UHC. Taiwan social welfare organizations have shared our experiences through Pragmatic Diplomacy internationally, so please don’t ignore our efforts. Therefore, we strongly urged Taiwan to be treated fairly. Just as the people with rare diseases cannot be left behind in global health coverage, the health issues of Taiwan’s 23 million people should not become “outside of universal health coverage”. Taiwan should have meaningful participate in the 2018 World Health Assembly, share Taiwan’s experience with the world, help other countries to promote policies that take care of the disadvantaged, face potential health challenges, and jointly realize the health of the World Health Organization as a basic human rights.
臺灣社會福利團體聯合國際記者會 中文聲明
【支持臺灣有意義參與2018年世界衛生大會】
誠如世界衛生組織(WHO)憲章所揭櫫的宗旨:「健康是基本人權,是普世價值,不因種族、宗教、政治信仰、經濟或社會情境而有所分別。」爰此,參與世界衛生大會(WHA)與世界衛生組織(WHO)乃是臺灣每位人民的基本權利。
世界衛生組織長久以來戮力於實踐「全民健康覆蓋(Universal Health Coverage)」的願景,並倡議特殊及弱勢族群的健康與福祉。而臺灣是亞洲地區最早落實全民健康保險制度的國家,納保率達99.9%、醫療花費僅佔GDP約6.3%,有意願也有能力在世界衛生大會向各國分享相關經驗。然而臺灣無法出席世界衛生大會及全面參與世界衛生組織相關技術性會議、機制及活動的結果,將使全球衛生體系失去一個重要的合作夥伴,延宕世界衛生組織提升全球人類健康水準的目標。
根據世界衛生組織在2018年世界罕見疾病日發布聲明中所強調:「全民健康覆蓋」意味著所有人皆能在免於財務困難的情況下獲得其所需的醫療衛生服務,其中即包括能確保社會各角落的民眾都能獲得所需的醫療照護及關懷服務。而臺灣對於特殊及弱勢族群的完善照護向來是國際衛生領域的表率,在2000年成為全球第一將罕見疾病防治與福利保障正式立法之國家,因此在臺灣,這些罹患罕見疾病的孩童,都能在妥善的醫療體系下被照護,所以臺灣儼然是世界衛生組織推動「全民健康覆蓋」目標的重要典範。
數十年來,臺灣政府與民間社福團體不遺餘力結合多方資源,透過立法、倡議或團體互動等方式,保障特殊及弱勢族群必要的醫療照護、藥物供給及社會關懷服務,齊力建構功能健全、服務能量滿載之醫療及社會福利體系,讓每位特殊及弱勢朋友都能在妥善的醫療體系下被照顧、在免於財務風險的家庭中成長,保障其應有的基本健康與安全。
臺灣長久以來積極參與國際健康照護組織,台灣民間團體的足跡遍佈全球,目前已經超過73個國家、重大計畫案次數超過336次其他大小國際交流、實質外交不計其數。一步一腳印的、務實的、真實的發生,亦即代表臺灣有能力、有使命為幫助全世界弱勢族群做出實質貢獻。
臺灣的社會福利團體願意將照護每位特殊及弱勢朋友的使命與經驗分享到全世界,用於協助世界衛生組織推動「全民健康覆蓋」的願景,台灣社福團體用實質外交交流,將經驗貢獻至全球,請世界衛生大會不要忘了我們民間團體的努力,所以我們強力支持並呼籲臺灣應該被公平對待之,正如極少數的罕見疾病患者不容見棄於全球健康覆盖之外,台灣2300萬人的健康議題,更不應該成為「全民健康覆蓋」之外的世界孤兒,讓臺灣有意義參與2018年世界衛生大會,將臺灣的經驗分享給全世界,協助其他國家推動照顧弱勢之政策及面對潛在的衛生挑戰,共同為實現世界衛生組織所揭示健康為基本人權之願景而努力。
Co-signatories:
社團法人台灣社會福利總盟(Taiwan Social Welfare League)
財團法人罕見疾病基金會(Taiwan Foundation for Rare Disorders)
財團法人勵馨社會福利事業基金會(The Garden of Hope Foundation)
財團法人陽光社會福利基金會(Sunshine Social Welfare Foundation)
財團法人伊甸社會福利基金會(Eden Social Welfare Foundation)
社團法人中華民國身心障礙聯盟(Disability Alliance of Republic of China)
社團法人中華民國智障者家長總會(Parents Association for Persons with Intellectual Disabilities)
社團法人臺灣社會工作專業人員協會(Taiwan Association of Social Workers)
社團法人台灣社會心理復健協會(Taiwan Association for Psycho-Social Rehabilitation)
財團法人基督教芥菜種會(The Mustard Seed Mission)
社團法人台灣少年權益與福利促進聯盟(Taiwan Alliance For Advancement of Youth Rights And Welfare)
社團法人台灣南方社會力聯盟(Social Power from Southern Taiwan)
社團法人台灣婦女團體全國聯合會(National Alliance of Taiwan Women's Associations)
社團法人中華民國社區重聽福利協會(Taiwan Association for Community Hard-Of-Hearing People And Welfare)
社團法人中華民國白化症者關懷協會(Taiwan Albino Caring Association)
財團法人靖娟兒童安全文教基金會(Jing Chuan Child Safety Foundation)
社團法人中華民國老人福利推動聯盟(Federation for Welfare of the Elderly)
社團法人中華民國自閉症總會(Autism Society of Taiwan)
社團法人台灣健康人權行動協會(Taiwan Health Right Initiative)
財團法人台灣兒童暨家庭扶助基金會(Taiwan Fund for Children and Families)
社團法人中華民國家庭照顧者關懷總會(Taiwan Association of Family Caregivers)
社團法人台灣多發性硬化症協會(Multiple Sclerosis Association Taiwan)
hard to ignore 中文 在 hard to ignore - Linguee | 中英词典(更多其他语言) 的相關結果
大量翻译例句关于"hard to ignore" – 英中词典以及8百万条中文译文例句搜索。 ... <看更多>
hard to ignore 中文 在 ignore中文(繁體)翻譯:劍橋詞典 的相關結果
3 天前 — She can be really irritating but I try to ignore her. 她有時會特別煩人,不過我盡量不去理會她。 Safety regulations are being ignored by company ... ... <看更多>
hard to ignore 中文 在 hard to ignore-翻译为中文-例句英语 的相關結果
使用Reverso Context: Until it does, it will be hard to ignore even the slightest tremor.,在英语-中文情境中翻译"hard to ignore" ... <看更多>