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[時事英文] 各國如何面對新冠疫情?

讓我最有感觸的一句:

"The rise of populism has exacerbated the problem by reducing the incentives of countries to cooperate. "

「民粹主義的興起減少了各國合作的意願，使問題更加嚴重。」

—NY Times

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In Frankfurt, the president of the European Central Bank warned that the coronavirus could trigger an economic crash as dire as that of 2008. In Berlin, the German chancellor warned the virus could infect two-thirds of her country’s population. In London, the British prime minister rolled out a nearly $40 billion rescue package to cushion his economy from the shock.

1. trigger an economic crash 引發經濟崩潰
2. dire 嚴重的；危急的
3. roll out 推出
4. rescue package 救助計劃
5. to cushion sth from… 對（某事物的影響或力量）起緩衝作用

在法蘭克福，歐洲央行行長警告說，冠狀病毒可能引發與2008年一樣嚴重的經濟崩潰。在柏林，德國總理警告說，病毒可能導致該國三分之二的人口感染。在倫敦，英國首相推出了將近400億美元的一系列救助計劃，以緩解經濟受到的衝擊。

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As the toll of those afflicted by the virus continued to soar and financial markets from Tokyo to New York continued to swoon, world leaders are finally starting to find their voices about the gravity of what is now officially a pandemic.

6. the toll of… 的傷亡；損失；破壞
7. the death toll 死亡人數
8. afflict 使痛苦；使苦惱；折磨
9. swoon 低迷*
10. find their voices about 願意開口談及
11. the gravity of …的嚴重性

隨著感染者的死亡人數持續飆升，從東京到紐約的金融市場持續低迷，世界各國領導人終於開始談及這場已正式定性為大流行病的疫情的嚴重性。

*http://bit.ly/3b7PZK8

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Yet it remains less a choir than a cacophony — a dissonant babble of politicians all struggling, in their own way, to cope with the manifold challenges posed by the virus, from its crushing burden on hospitals and health care workers to its economic devastation and rising death toll.

12. cacophony 刺耳嘈雜的聲音；雜音
13. a dissonant babble of... 七嘴八舌的...
14. manifold challenges 多種多樣的挑戰
15. economic devastation 經濟崩解

然而，與其說是合唱，這更像一種刺耳的喧囂——一群七嘴八舌的政客用各自的方式努力應對這種病毒所帶來的各種挑戰，從超負荷的醫院和醫護人員到崩潰的經濟和與日俱增的死亡人數。

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The choir also lacks a conductor, a role played through most of the post-World War II era by the United States.

這個合唱團還欠缺指揮，在二戰戰後的大部分時間裡，這個角色是由美國扮演的。

President Trump has failed to work with other leaders to fashion a common response, preferring to promote travel bans and his border wall over the scientific advice of his own medical experts. Mr. Trump’s secretary of state, Mike Pompeo, has taken to calling it the “Wuhan virus,” vilifying the country where it originated and complicating efforts to coordinate a global response.

16. lack (v.) 缺少，缺乏*
17. to fashion a common response 形成一致的回應
18. travel ban 旅行禁令
19. take to sth 開始從事；形成…的習慣
20. vilify 詆毀，誣衊；醜化；貶低
21. complicate 使複雜化；使更難懂；使更麻煩

川普總統未能與其他領導人合作形成一致的回應，他寧願推動旅行禁令和他的邊境牆，而不是他自己的醫學專家的科學建議。川普的國務卿邁克·龐皮歐(Mike Pompeo)把它叫做「武漢病毒」，醜化其發源國，使協調全球響應的工作更加艱難。

*lack, lack of, lacking: http://bit.ly/33LrOhw

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週三，川普總統在白宮會見了銀行家，討論如何應對冠狀病毒。

The same denigration of science and urge to block outsiders has characterized leaders from China to Iran, as well as right-wing populists in Europe, which is sowing cynicism and leaving people uncertain of who to believe. Far from trying to stamp out the virus, strongmen like President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia have seized on the upheaval it is causing as cover for steps to consolidate their power.

22. the denigration of science 對科學的詆毀
23. characterize (v.) 是…的特徵；為…所特有
24. right-wing populists 右翼民粹主義者
25. sow a seed of 播下了…的種子
26. cynicism 犬儒主義；憤世嫉俗
27. stamp sth out 消除，消滅
28. upheaval 動盪
29. consolidate their power 鞏固自己的力量

從中國到伊朗的領導人，乃至歐洲的右翼民粹主義者，都有同樣的對科學的詆毀和對外人的排斥，這播下了疑神疑鬼的種子，讓人們不知道該相信誰。俄羅斯總統弗拉基米爾·V·普丁(Vladimir V. Putin)和沙烏地阿拉伯王儲穆罕默德·本·薩勒曼(Mohammed bin Salman)等強人領袖並沒有去試圖消滅病毒，而是趁機以其引發的動盪為掩護，鞏固自己的力量。

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Yet it is too simple to lay all this at Mr. Trump’s door, or on world leaders collectively. Part of the problem is simply the fiendish nature of the pathogen.

30. lay sth at sb's door 將…歸咎於（某人）
31. fiendish 惡魔般的；殘忍的
32. pathogen 病原體

然而，將一切推到川普身上，或一股腦推到各國領導人身上，都過於簡單了。部分問題實際上源於病原體的殘忍特性。

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Coronavirus has resisted the tools that countries have brought to bear against previous global scourges. Mysterious in its transmission and relentless in its spread, it has led countries to try wildly divergent responses. The lack of common standards on testing, on the cancellation of public gatherings and on quarantines have deepened the anxiety of people and eroded confidence in their leaders.

33. to bear against 抵禦
34. global scourges 全球災禍
35. wildly divergent responses 截然不同的應對方式
36. quarantine 隔離
37. eroded confidence 削弱對…的信心

各國為抵禦先前的全球災禍而使用的工具，被冠狀病毒一一擊敗。詭異的感染方式，持續不懈的傳播，已經導致各國不得不嘗試各種截然不同的應對方式。在病毒測試、取消公共聚會和隔離方法上缺乏一致的標準，這加劇了人們的焦慮，並削弱了他們對領導者的信心。

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The simultaneous shocks to supply and demand — shuttered iPhone factories in China; empty gondolas in Venice; and passengers abandoning cruises, hotels and airlines everywhere else — is a new phenomenon that may not respond to the weapons government wielded against the dislocation that followed the September 2001 terrorist attacks and the financial crisis of 2008.

38. simultaneous shocks 同時衝擊
39. supply and demand 供需
40. the weapons wielded against... 為抵禦...所鍛造的武器

供給和需求在同一時刻受到衝擊——被關閉的中國iPhone工廠；威尼斯空無一人的貢多拉；以及其他地方旅客放棄前往的郵輪、旅館和航班——政府在2001年9月的恐怖襲擊以及2008年金融危機後為抵禦混亂所鍛造的武器，恐怕難以用來對付這種新的現象。

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“The nature of this crisis is qualitatively different than the one in 2008 because the traditional tools are not as effective,” said Richard N. Haass, president of the Council on Foreign Relations. “Even if the U.S. took a leadership role, the traditional playbook would not be all that relevant here.”

41. the nature of …的性質
42. be qualitatively different 有本質區別
43. playbook 方案

「這次危機的性質，與2008年危機有本質區別，因為傳統手段的效果不佳，」外交關係委員會(Council on Foreign Relations)主席理查德·N·哈斯(Richard N. Haass)說。「即使美國發揮領導作用，傳統方案用在現在的情況沒有多大意義。」

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Britain, for example, won praise for its robust economic response, which, in addition to billions of pounds for hospitals and workers sidelined by illness, included a sharp interest rate cut by the Bank of England.

44. won praise for 贏得讚譽
45. robust economic response 強勁的經濟反應
46. in addition to 此外
47. be sidelined by illness 因疾病而停工
48. a sharp interest rate cut大幅降息

例如，英國因其強勁的經濟應對而贏得讚譽，他們不僅為醫院和因疾病而停工的工人提供了數十億英鎊撥款，還包括英格蘭銀行的大幅降息。

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Yet stocks in London still tumbled, if not as steeply as on Wall Street, where investors brushed off Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin’s proposal to allow Americans to delay paying their income taxes, which he claimed would pump $200 billion into the economy.

49. tumbled （價值）暴跌，驟降
50. steeply 徒峭地；險峻地
51. brush off 漠視，不理睬

然而，倫敦股市仍然下跌，儘管跌幅不及華爾街。面對財政部長史蒂芬·馬努欽(Steven Mnuchin)提出的允許美國人緩交所得稅的提議，華爾街投資人不為所動，馬努欽聲稱此舉將為經濟注入2000億美元。

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Mr. Trump’s other big idea, a cut in the payroll tax, was pronounced a “non-starter” by House Democrats, who scrambled instead to introduce legislation to provide financial help to patients, workers and families affected by the fast-moving epidemic and speed it to a House vote on Thursday.

52. payroll tax 薪金稅
53. non-starter 無成功希望的人（或想法、計劃）
54. House Democrats 眾議院民主黨議員
55. scramble to 爭搶(去做)

川普先生的另一個大想法是削減薪金稅，眾議院民主黨議員宣布這「不可能」，他們慌忙提出立法，在財務上幫助受迅速傳播的流行病影響的患者、工人和家庭，並且快速提交至週四的眾議院投票。

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To Mr. Haass, the intense focus on limiting the economic blow was understandable, given the carnage in the markets, but premature. He said countries needed to put their energy into slowing and mitigating the spread of the virus before they embarked on fiscal programs to repair the economic damage.

56. carnage （尤指戰爭中的）大屠殺，殘殺
57. carnage in the markets 市場的慘狀
58. premature 過早的；不成熟的；倉促的
59. mitigate 減緩
60. embarked on sth 開始，著手做（新的或重要的事情）
61. fiscal programs 財政計劃

哈斯認為，考慮到市場的慘狀，集中精力抑制經濟衝擊是可以理解的，但為時過早。他說，各國在開始實施財政計劃以修復經濟損失之前，需要投入精力以減慢並緩和病毒的傳播。

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The trouble is that, with few exceptions, their efforts have been hapless. In the United States, the delay in developing coronavirus test kits and the scarcity of tests has made it impossible for officials, even weeks after the first cases appeared in the country, to get a true picture of the scale of the outbreak.

62. hapless幸運的；不愉快的
63. the scarcity of …的缺乏
64. the scale of the outbreak 疫情的真實規模

問題是，除了少數例外，他們的努力都沒有什麼好結果。在美國，由於開發冠狀病毒檢測工具的進度遲緩，以及檢測手段的缺乏，官員們甚至在出現本國第一例病例數週後仍無法了解疫情的真實規模。

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In hard-hit Italy, quarrels broke out between politicians and medical experts over whether the authorities were testing too many people in Lombardy, inflating the infection figures and fueling panic in the public. Italy’s response could be weakened further by the anti-vaccination movement that was once embraced by the populist Five Star Movement, which took power in the last government.

65. hard-hit 受災嚴重的
66. inflate 抬高；誇大
67. fueling panic加劇恐慌
68. anti-vaccination movement 反疫苗運動
69. populist 民粹主義政黨
70. took power 執政

在受災嚴重的義大利，政界人士和醫學專家爭論當局是否在倫巴第對太多人進行測試，誇大感染人數，加劇公眾恐慌。義大利的反應可能會遭到反疫苗運動的進一步削弱。該運動曾受上屆執政的民粹主義政黨五星運動(Five Star Movement)的支持。

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義大利倫巴第地區是世界上受災最嚴重的地區之一，人們戴著口罩。

Even comparing one country’s case count to another’s is almost impossible, given the different testing procedures and diagnostic criteria around the world, said Dr. Chris Smith, a specialist in virology at the University of Cambridge.

71. testing procedures 檢測程序
72. diagnostic criteria 診斷標準

劍橋大學(University of Cambridge)病毒學專家克里斯·史密斯(Chris Smith)博士表示，考慮到世界各地不同的檢測程序和診斷標準，連對兩個國家的病例數進行比較幾乎都是不可能的。

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In the most extreme example, China’s case count skyrocketed when it began recording positives based on people’s symptoms, rather than a lab test, the method most countries are still using. But even lab tests might yield different results in different places, depending on the targets labs are using and the ways health workers collect and process specimens.

73. based on people’s symptom 根據某人癥狀
74. case count skyrocketed 病例數大幅飆升
75. yield different results 產生不同的結果

最極端的例子是，當中國開始根據癥狀而不是大多數國家仍在使用的實驗室檢測來計算確診病例時，病例數出現了大幅飆升。但即使是實驗室測試，不同的地方也可能產生不同的結果，這取決於實驗室使用的對象以及醫務人員收集和處理標本的方式。

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“Different countries are doing different things,” Dr. Smith said of the testing programs. “You’re not comparing apples to apples.”

「不同的國家正在做不同的事情，」史密斯談到測試項目時說。「這不是蘋果和蘋果之間的對比。」

The rise of populism has exacerbated the problem by reducing the incentives of countries to cooperate. European leaders, in a three-hour teleconference on Tuesday night, agreed to set up a 25 billion euro investment fund, or $28.1 billion, and to relax rules governing airlines to curb the economic fallout.

76. exacerbated the problem 使問題更加嚴重
77. the incentives of 誘因
78. teleconference 電話會議
79. curb the economic fallout 遏制經濟危機的影響

民粹主義的興起減少了各國合作的意願，使問題更加嚴重。歐洲領導人週二晚間舉行了三小時的電話會議，同意設立一個250億歐元（合1930億元人民幣）的投資基金，並放鬆對航空公司的監管，以遏制經濟危機的影響。

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But they failed to overcome national objections to sharing medical equipment like face masks and respirators, given that health issues are the responsibility of national governments. Germany, the Czech Republic and other countries have tightened export restrictions on this gear to keep it for their own citizens.

80. failed to overcome 未能克服
81. respirator 呼吸器
82. tightened export restrictions on… 加強了…的出口限制
83. gear （從事某活動的）裝備，用具，衣服

但他們未能克服各國對分享口罩和呼吸器等醫療器械的反對，因為健康問題是國家政府的責任。德國、捷克共和國等國家已經加強了對這些設備的出口限制，以便將其留給本國公民。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Chancellor Angela Merkel’s warning that the virus would infect 60 percent to 70 percent of people in Germany — a figure she attributed to the “consensus among experts” — was the most forthright admission of the scale of the problem by any world leader. It was fully in character for a physicist-turned-politician, reinforcing her status as the liberal West’s foil to Mr. Trump.

84. attributed to 歸於
85. consensus among experts 專家共識
86. forthright （過於）坦誠的，直率的；直截了當的
87. reinforce 強化，加深，進一步證實（觀點、看法等）
88. the liberal West’s foil 自由主義西方世界中的對比
89. foil 陪襯物*

德國總理安哥拉·梅克爾(Angela Merkel)警告說，這種病毒將感染德國60%到70%的人——她稱這一數字來自「專家共識」——這是世界各國領導人對該問題嚴重性最坦率的承認態度。這完全符合從物理學家轉型為政治家的梅克爾的性格，令她進一步成為自由主義西方世界中川普的一個鮮明對比。

*http://bit.ly/3deYyVe

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“We will do whatever is needed,” she said. “We won’t ask every day, ‘What does this mean for our deficit?’”

90. deficit 赤字

「我們會竭盡所能，」她說。「我們不會每天都問，『這對我們的赤字有什麼影響?』」

Yet even Ms. Merkel’s position has been weakened by the resurgence of the far right in Germany. Germany rebuffed a request for medical equipment from Italy, only to see China offer the Italians an aid package that includes two million face masks and 100,000 respirators.

91. a resurgence of 復甦；復興；再次興起
92. far right 極右翼勢力
93. rebuff 斷然拒絕
94. only to do sth 不料卻，沒想到卻

然而，就連梅克爾的地位也被德國極右翼勢力的復甦削弱了。德國拒絕了義大利提供醫療器械的請求，中國卻向義大利提供了包括200萬隻口罩和10萬隻呼吸器在內的援助。

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In Britain, which left the European Union in January, there are already fears that the country will not have access to a vaccine, or will have to pay more for it than other European countries. Mr. Johnson’s government, which won its recent election on a populist-inflected platform of “Get Brexit Done,” is now struggling with how to communicate the risks of the outbreak to its public.

95. a vaccine 疫苗
96. platform 綱領，政綱，宣言

在今年1月脫離歐盟的英國，已經有人擔心該國將無法獲得疫苗，或者將不得不支付比其他歐洲國家更多的費用。強生的政府在最近的選舉中獲勝，憑藉的是受民粹主義影響的「完成脫歐」(Get Brexit Done)宣言。如今這個政府正在吃力地向民眾宣講疫情暴發的風險。

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The Johnson government has put a lot of stock in a so-called nudge unit in Downing Street that specializes in behavioral psychology. But in trying to calibrate its response to what it deemed people capable of processing, the government risked condescending to Britons, said John Ashton, a former regional director of public health for the northwest of England.

97. put a lot of stock in 投入了大量資金
98. so-called 所謂
99. nudge unit 哄勸部門
100. behavioral psychology 行為心理學
101. calibrate 判斷；劃分刻度，標定
102. deem 認為，視為；覺得
103. condescending 表現出高…一等的姿態的，帶有優越感地對待…的

強生政府在唐寧街設立了一個擅長行為心理學的所謂「哄勸」部門，為此投入了大量資金。但前英格蘭西北部地區公共衛生主任約翰·阿什頓(John Ashton)說，政府在判斷人們的接受限度，並以這個限度為依據來制定自己的應對措施，這可能是在用一種假惺惺的屈就方式對待英國人民。

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Britain has only recently started publishing broad breakdowns of where people are contracting the virus. Mr. Ashton said they should be giving much more detailed information, as in Hong Kong, which has published building-level maps of patients who have gotten sick, when they were there and how they contracted the virus.

英國直到最近才開始公布感染髮生的具體地點。阿什頓說，他們應該提供更詳細的信息，就像香港一樣。香港公布了具體到建築的患者地圖，並提供他們在那裡的時間和感染病毒的方式。

“I think it’s patronizing — they need to keep the public fully in the picture,” Mr. Ashton said. “You have to treat the public as adults, instead of keeping them in the dark. That’s where you get rumor and hysteria. They actually create panic by not being open with people.”

104. patronizing 屈尊俯就的；自以為高人一等的
105. keep sb in the picture 使（某人）了解情況
106. keeping sb in the dark 蒙在鼓裡
107. rumor and hysteria 謠言和歇斯底里

「我認為這是一種哄人的姿態——他們需要讓公眾充分了解情況，」阿什頓說。「你必須像對待成年人一樣對待公眾，而不是把他們蒙在鼓裡。謠言和歇斯底里就是這麼來的。他們不向人民開誠布公，實際上是在製造恐慌。」

★★★★★★★★★★★★

完整報導: https://nyti.ms/2J070dm

圖片來源: http://bit.ly/2U1tgJS

★★★★★★★★★★★★

這篇文章你最喜歡哪一句? 辛苦的小編把所有的關鍵片語都列出來了! 同學會持續的看到這些關鍵詞彙和句型出現在我們所有的時事英文喔！

★★★★★★★★★★★★

台灣的應對: http://bit.ly/3a6NSGu

保健心智圖: https://goo.gl/seqt5k

保健相關單字: https://wp.me/p44l9b-Tt (+mp3)

時事英文大全: http://bit.ly/2WtAqop

★★★★★★★★★★★★

這一週的「時事英文」講義和使用方式: https://bit.ly/3a9rr38

【《金融時報》深度長訪】

今年做過數百外媒訪問，若要說最能反映我思緒和想法的訪問，必然是《金融時報》的這一個，沒有之一。

在排山倒海的訪問裡，這位記者能在短短個半小時裡，刻畫得如此傳神，值得睇。

Joshua Wong plonks himself down on a plastic stool across from me. He is there for barely 10 seconds before he leaps up to greet two former high school classmates in the lunchtime tea house melee. He says hi and bye and then bounds back. Once again I am facing the young man in a black Chinese collared shirt and tan shorts who is proving such a headache for the authorities in Beijing.

So far, it’s been a fairly standard week for Wong. On a break from a globe-trotting, pro-democracy lobbying tour, he was grabbed off the streets of Hong Kong and bundled into a minivan. After being arrested, he appeared on the front pages of the world’s newspapers and was labelled a “traitor” by China’s foreign ministry.

He is very apologetic about being late for lunch.

Little about Wong, the face of Hong Kong’s democracy movement, can be described as ordinary: neither his Nobel Peace Prize nomination, nor his three stints in prison. Five years ago, his face was plastered on the cover of Time magazine; in 2017, he was the subject of a hit Netflix documentary, Joshua: Teenager vs Superpower. And he’s only 23.

We’re sitting inside a Cantonese teahouse in the narrow back streets near Hong Kong’s parliament, where he works for a pro-democracy lawmaker. It’s one of the most socially diverse parts of the city and has been at the heart of five months of unrest, which has turned into a battle for Hong Kong’s future. A few weekends earlier I covered clashes nearby as protesters threw Molotov cocktails at police, who fired back tear gas. Drunk expats looked on, as tourists rushed by dragging suitcases.

The lunch crowd pours into the fast-food joint, milling around as staff set up collapsible tables on the pavement. Construction workers sit side-by-side with men sweating in suits, chopsticks in one hand, phones in the other. I scan the menu: instant noodles with fried egg and luncheon meat, deep fried pork chops, beef brisket with radish. Wong barely glances at it before selecting the hometown fried rice and milk tea, a Hong Kong speciality with British colonial roots, made with black tea and evaporated or condensed milk.

“I always order this,” he beams, “I love this place, it’s the only Cantonese teahouse in the area that does cheap, high-quality milk tea.” I take my cue and settle for the veggie and egg fried rice and a lemon iced tea as the man sitting on the next table reaches over to shake Wong’s hand. Another pats him on the shoulder as he brushes by to pay the bill.

Wong has been a recognisable face in this city since he was 14, when he fought against a proposal from the Hong Kong government to introduce a national education curriculum that would teach that Chinese Communist party rule was “superior” to western-style democracy. The government eventually backed down after more than 100,000 people took to the streets. Two years later, Wong rose to global prominence when he became the poster boy for the Umbrella Movement, in which tens of thousands of students occupied central Hong Kong for 79 days to demand genuine universal suffrage.

That movement ended in failure. Many of its leaders were sent to jail, among them Wong. But the seeds of activism were planted in the generation of Hong Kongers who are now back on the streets, fighting for democracy against the world’s most powerful authoritarian state. The latest turmoil was sparked by a controversial extradition bill but has evolved into demands for true suffrage and a showdown with Beijing over the future of Hong Kong. The unrest in the former British colony, which was handed over to China in 1997, represents the biggest uprising on Chinese soil since the 1989 pro-democracy movement in Beijing. Its climax, of course, was the Tiananmen Square massacre, when hundreds, perhaps thousands, of people were killed.

“We learnt a lot of lessons from the Umbrella Movement: how to deal with conflict between the more moderate and progressive camps, how to be more organic, how to be less hesitant,” says Wong. “Five years ago the pro-democracy camp was far more cautious about seeking international support because they were afraid of pissing off Beijing.”

Wong doesn’t appear to be afraid of irking China. Over the past few months, he has lobbied on behalf of the Hong Kong protesters to governments around the world. In the US, he testified before Congress and urged lawmakers to pass an act in support of the Hong Kong protesters — subsequently approved by the House of Representatives with strong bipartisan support. In Germany, he made headlines when he suggested two baby pandas in the Berlin Zoo be named “Democracy” and “Freedom.” He has been previously barred from entering Malaysia and Thailand due to pressure from Beijing, and a Singaporean social worker was recently convicted and fined for organising an event at which Wong spoke via Skype.

The food arrives almost immediately. I struggle to tell our orders apart. Two mouthfuls into my egg and cabbage fried rice, I regret not ordering the instant noodles with luncheon meat.

In August, a Hong Kong newspaper controlled by the Chinese Communist party published a photo of Julie Eadeh, an American diplomat, meeting pro-democracy student leaders including Wong. The headline accused “foreign forces” of igniting a revolution in Hong Kong. “Beijing says I was trained by the CIA and the US marines and I am a CIA agent. [I find it] quite boring because they have made up these kinds of rumours for seven years [now],” he says, ignoring his incessantly pinging phone.

Another thing that bores him? The media. Although Wong’s messaging is always on point, his appraisal of journalists in response to my questions is piercing and cheeky. “In 15-minute interviews I know journalists just need soundbites that I’ve repeated lots of times before. So I’ll say things like ‘I have no hope [as regards] the regime but I have hope towards the people.’ Then the journalists will say ‘oh that’s so impressive!’ And I’ll say ‘yes, I’m a poet.’ ”

And what about this choice of restaurant? “Well, I knew I couldn’t pick a five-star hotel, even though the Financial Times is paying and I know you can afford it,” he says grinning. “It’s better to do this kind of interview in a Hong Kong-style restaurant. This is the place that I conducted my first interview after I left prison.” Wong has spent around 120 days in prison in total, including on charges of unlawful assembly.

“My fellow prisoners would tell me about how they joined the Umbrella Movement and how they agreed with our beliefs. I think prisoners are more aware of the importance of human rights,” he says, adding that even the prison wardens would share with him how they had joined protests.

“Even the triad members in prison support democracy. They complain how the tax on cigarettes is extremely high and the tax on red wine is extremely low; it just shows how the upper-class elite lives here,” he says, as a waiter strains to hear our conversation. Wong was most recently released from jail in June, the day after the largest protests in the history of Hong Kong, when an estimated 2m people — more than a quarter of the territory’s 7.5m population — took to the streets.

Raised in a deeply religious family, he used to travel to mainland China every two years with his family and church literally to spread the gospel. As with many Hong Kong Chinese who trace their roots to the mainland, he doesn’t know where his ancestral village is. His lasting memory of his trips across the border is of dirty toilets, he tells me, mid-bite. He turned to activism when he realised praying didn’t help much.

“The gift from God is to have independence of mind and critical thinking; to have our own will and to make our own personal judgments. I don’t link my religious beliefs with my political judgments. Even Carrie Lam is Catholic,” he trails off, in a reference to Hong Kong’s leader. Lam has the lowest approval rating of any chief executive in the history of the city, thanks to her botched handling of the crisis.

I ask whether Wong’s father, who is also involved in social activism, has been a big influence. Wrong question.

“The western media loves to frame Joshua Wong joining the fight because of reading the books of Nelson Mandela or Martin Luther King or because of how my parents raised me. In reality, I joined street activism not because of anyone book I read. Why do journalists always assume anyone who strives for a better society has a role model?” He glances down at his pinging phone and draws a breath, before continuing. “Can you really describe my dad as an activist? I support LGBTQ rights,” he says, with a fist pump. His father, Roger Wong, is a well-known anti-gay rights campaigner in Hong Kong.

I notice he has put down his spoon, with half a plate of fried rice untouched. I decide it would be a good idea to redirect our conversation by bonding over phone addictions. Wong, renowned for his laser focus and determination, replies to my emails and messages at all hours and has been described by his friends as “a robot.”

He scrolls through his Gmail, his inbox filled with unread emails, showing me how he categorises interview requests with country tags. His life is almost solely dedicated to activism. “My friends and I used to go to watch movies and play laser tag but now of course we don’t have time to play any more: we face real bullets every weekend.”

The protests — which have seen more than 3,300 people arrested — have been largely leaderless. “Do you ever question your relevance to the movement?” I venture, mid-spoonful of congealed fried rice.

“Never,” he replies with his mouth full. “We have a lot of facilitators in this movement and I’m one of them . . . it’s just like Wikipedia. You don’t know who the contributors are behind a Wikipedia page but you know there’s a lot of collaboration and crowdsourcing. Instead of just having a top-down command, we now have a bottom-up command hub which has allowed the movement to last far longer than Umbrella.

“With greater power comes greater responsibility, so the question is how, through my role, can I express the voices of the frontliners, of the street activism? For example, I defended the action of storming into the Legislative Council on July 1. I know I didn’t storm in myself . . . ” His phone pings twice. Finally he succumbs.

After tapping away for about 30 seconds, Wong launches back into our conversation, sounding genuinely sorry that he wasn’t there on the night when protesters destroyed symbols of the Chinese Communist party and briefly occupied the chamber.

“My job is to be the middleman to express, evaluate and reveal what is going on in the Hong Kong protests when the movement is about being faceless,” he says, adding that his Twitter storm of 29 tweets explaining the July 1 occupation reached at least four million people. I admit that I am overcome with exhaustion just scanning his Twitter account, which has more than 400,000 followers. “Well, that thread was actually written by Jeffrey Ngo from Demosisto,” he say, referring to the political activism group that he heads.

A network of Hong Kong activists studying abroad helps fuel his relentless public persona on social media and in the opinion pages of international newspapers. Within a week of his most recent arrest, he had published op-eds in The Economist, The New York Times, Quartz and the Apple Daily.

I wonder out loud if he ever feels overwhelmed at taking on the Chinese Communist party, a task daunting even for some of the world’s most formidable governments and companies. He peers at me over his wire-framed glasses. “It’s our responsibility; if we don’t do it, who will? At least we are not in Xinjiang or Tibet; we are in Hong Kong,” he says, referring to two regions on Chinese soil on the frontline of Beijing’s drive to develop a high-tech surveillance state. In Xinjiang, at least one million people are being held in internment camps. “Even though we’re directly under the rule of Beijing, we have a layer of protection because we’re recognised as a global city so [Beijing] is more hesitant to act.”

I hear the sound of the wok firing up in the kitchen and ask him the question on everyone’s minds in Hong Kong: what happens next? Like many people who are closely following the extraordinary situation in Hong Kong, he is hesitant to make firm predictions.

“Lots of think-tanks around the world say ‘Oh, we’re China experts. We’re born in western countries but we know how to read Chinese so we’re familiar with Chinese politics.’ They predicted the Communist party would collapse after the Tiananmen Square massacre and they’ve kept predicting this over the past three decades but hey, now it’s 2019 and we’re still under the rule of Beijing, ha ha,” he grins.

While we are prophesying, does Wong ever think he might become chief executive one day? “No local journalist in Hong Kong would really ask this question,” he admonishes. As our lunch has progressed, he has become bolder in dissecting my interview technique. The territory’s chief executive is currently selected by a group of 1,200, mostly Beijing loyalists, and he doubts the Chinese Communist party would ever allow him to run. A few weeks after we meet he announces his candidacy in the upcoming district council elections. He was eventually the only candidate disqualified from running — an order that, after our lunch, he tweeted had come from Beijing and was “clearly politically driven”.

We turn to the more ordinary stuff of 23-year-olds’ lives, as Wong slurps the remainder of his milk tea. “Before being jailed, the thing I was most worried about was that I wouldn’t be able to watch Avengers: Endgame,” he says.

“Luckily, it came out around early May so I watched it two weeks before I was locked up in prison.” He has already quoted Spider-Man twice during our lunch. I am unsurprised when Wong picks him as his favourite character.

“I think he’s more . . . ” He pauses, one of the few times in the interview. “Compared to having an unlimited superpower or unlimited power or unlimited talent just like Superman, I think Spider-Man is more human.” With that, our friendly neighbourhood activist dashes off to his next interview.

Things to do in Berlin
Germany

Before heading to Tomorrowland

Facebook : www.facebook.com/celestechen

Blog : www.celestechen.com

Instagram: @celestechen

Just a quick video showcasing some of the things you can do and see in half a day in Berlin.

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More Germany videos here: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list...

Tien in Vietnam: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=paaV3...

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About Me: I'm Kyle Le and I live, travel, and eat in Vietnam and many Asian countries. I'm passionate about making videos and sharing modern Asia to the world. I've traveled everywhere in Vietnam, from Hanoi to Saigon - Far North, Central Highlands, Islands, and Deep Mekong Delta - I've visited there. In addition to 10+ countries in Asia from Indonesia to Thailand to Singapore, you'll find all of my food, tourist attractions, and daily life experiences discovering my roots in the motherland on this amazing journey right on this channel. So be sure to subscribe- there's new videos all the time and connect with me below so you don't miss any adventures.

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