關於 if you are not a liberal at 20 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

台灣最大公約數 – 反共去統不反中
The True Common Denominator of Taiwan

我察覺到一個新的台灣共識（最大公約數）正在成形，而且已經接近完成。雖然許多人還沒意識到這點，也還有一些人尚處在無感、或雖然有感但心理上拒絕的階段。

I sensed a New Taiwan Consensus is forming and near completion, although many are still not fully aware of it, some at the psychological stage of ignoring it and some even in total denial .

這新共識可以用三個原素的一句話來總結：反共、去統、不反中國平民。三元素環環相扣，構成了一個具有主旋律的直白命題：那些已經把台灣視為自己家鄉的人，已經把台灣當成一個與他方無涉的主體。

This New Consensus can be summarized in one expression with three parallel elements: opposing communism, de-unification and neutralness toward Chinese civilians. These three elements constitute an organic whole with a common theme that simply says, people who took Taiwan as their home deemed themselves as one distinct entity .

為了讓人們充分理解這三元素的意義，需要做一些進一步闡釋。我們這就開始。

I understand some elaboration may be needed to allow the three elements to be fully appreciated, especially the third one. Let me begin.

1. 反共。台灣其實並沒有那麼反對自由的社會主義；事實上，台灣社會本身在日常生活型態中就含有明顯的自由社會主義的痕跡。但是，台灣絕不會容忍社會主義精神脫序到共產主義的地步。若然，那種社會主義就是敵人，沒有討論的餘地。台灣海峽彼岸的中國共產黨（CCP），就屬於這一類。

1. Opposing Communism – Taiwan is not that much against liberal socialism. In fact,there is a rather obvious strain of it already existing in its social life. However, Taiwan would not tolerate socialism when carried away to the extent of communism, and would take it as enemy. Period. Chinese Communist Party (CCP) on the other end of the Strait falls into this category.

2. 去統。在台灣，不但老一輩了解中共天天掛在嘴邊玩弄的「統一」，只不過是其用來維持政權、控制已經被洗過腦平民的一種虛偽口號，而年輕一輩只會以荒謬視之。因而，此處並沒有用過去的「反統」一詞，而是用「去統」，表示了一種將「統一」概念徹底由腦中去除的意思。就像「大掃除」的意思一樣，老早就該扔掉的東西就把它扔掉。

2. De-Unification – Not only do the older generations realize that the jingling of
“unification” of the CCP is just a bogus slogan for upholding its regime’s control
over the brain-washed civilians, the young generation of Taiwan simply finds the
slogan ridiculous. Therefore, rather than using the term “anti-Unification” as people used to do in the past, I think “De-Unification” – the unshackling of the very idea of unification, as one can relate with the word “de-clutter”- is a better suited term.

3. 不反中，指的是對中國平民保持中性的態度。過去三年間，包括我自己以及國際輿論，已經破除了那個存在已久的迷思 – 中共CCP就等同中國。情況根本不是這樣的。中共不等同中國，更不用說等同中國人民了。中共是一個具有9千8百萬黨員的巨大政黨，但那只是住在那塊土地上的14億人當中的7%。

3. Neutralness towards Chinese Civilians – In the past three years, people in Taiwan including myself, as well as the international community, have debunked the long-existed myth that CCP Is China. No, far from it. CCP is NOT equivalent to China, let alone the Chinese people. CCP is a huge party of 98 million members and that accounts for only 7% of the 1.4 billion Chinese people living on that landmass.

簡單的算數就可以呈現真相。對任何國家，如果僅佔7%的人口可以在政治上完全控制100%的人口，唯一的可能就是實施殘酷暴力或通過暴力改變人的頭腦。

Simple math would tell the truth. In any nation, when 7% of the population politically controls 100% of the population, it would be an impossibility unless by brutal violence or total brain coercion.

中國平民本身就是受害者。其他的國家，不應該膝蓋反應式的把受害者視為天生就是邪惡的。因此，無論在心態上還是現實地緣政治考慮下，台灣社會都應該把「必反」這詞留給共產黨而不是受害的平民。

Therefore, considering the Chinese civilians are victims themselves, people from other parts of the world should not act in a knee-jerk way towards the ordinary, victimized Chinese Civilians as if they are born evil. Either under a proper mindset or the practicality associated with geopolitics, Taiwanese society should and is starting to understand this point. “Anti-“ is an attitude reserved for CCP and not intrinsically for the ordinary and mostly victimized civilians.

這才是台灣的最大公約數。然而，為了選票的政治人物及民調機構拖累了台灣。每年每月的民調都在問早已失效的問題：你偏藍還是偏綠？你贊成獨立還是統一？

Putting together the above three Elements, thus there is the New Taiwan Consensus. What’s falling behind and dragging Taiwan’s feet, are the ballot-hungry politicians and the various outdated polling agencies. They do so many so-called popular surveys every year, sometimes monthly. And they stick to the long invalid way of setting up their survey questions: Are you favoring Green (DPP) or Blue(KMT)? Are you pro-independent or Pro-unification?

這種自我設限或自我審查的問法，使得其他國家以為台灣是個分裂社會。

This kind of self-confined or self-censored surveys leave other nations the impression that Taiwan is a split society, Green or Blue, Independence or unification etc.

台灣這種導致外人認為台灣是個分裂國家的作法，實在愚蠢。如果問的問題對，台灣是沒有分裂的。例如，如果將「你贊不贊成獨立」改為「你反共不反共」，結果肯定是98%以上。

It’s such a foolish thing to do for Taiwan itself misleading outsiders into deeming Taiwan as a split country. There is absolutely no split should the right questions be asked in the surveys. For example, had the question been changed from “Are you pro-independence or anti-independence” into “Are you pro-communism or anti-communism”，then the result would have been a clear-cut 98% or even 99.5% towards “anti”.

若問「你是反中國共產黨還是反中國老百姓」，前者不會低於80%，後者不會高於20%。

Now, try this further question: “Are you anti-Chinese Communist Party, or anti-Chinese common people”, my guess is the former gets at least 80% and the latter gets 20% at most.

第三個問題：「你願不願意被共產黨統治」，保證結果是99.9%的「不願意」。
The third question: “Would you be willing to live under the Communist Rule”? That would guarantee a resounding NO answer of 99.9%.

這就是新台灣共識、社會的最大公約數，應該向世界大聲、清楚、不含糊的說出來。

This is exactly how the New Taiwan Consensus looks like – the true common denominator among a seemingly divided Taiwan. And the New Taiwan Consensus should be articulated to the rest of the world, no vagueness, no grey area and unambiguously.

不信的話，可以用上述問題做幾次民調。而且我保證，在不久的將來，所有民主國家都會端出類似「台灣共識」的政策原則。

For any surveyor or politician who still has doubts about this New Taiwan Consensus, he or she can just conduct new surveys with questions suggested as above. And, I myself am convinced, in a not-so-distant future, all democratic countries on the planet would issue national policies based on guidelines similar to the New Taiwan Consensus, for the goodness of their respective countries.

所以，台灣為什麼不這樣做呢？這可是台灣展示世界政治領導力的機會啊！

So, Hey, Taiwan! Why not put a thrust on this Taiwan Consensus to the world by publicizing it unambiguously and show some political leadership, just for once?

後記：以雙語向全球發聲，將是我接下致力的方向。所使用的這兩種文字，涵蓋了35億人口，接近地球的一半人數。這個行動，將以 「前哨預策」網站 為核心基地，其他的社交媒體，只要有傳播力道，都會被用為衛星來做整體運作。

個人的思考、判斷不一定對，您也不見得同意，但是，我保證這平台中的每一句話都是獨立的、出自內心的。而今天的台灣，乃至於世界，最缺的就是突破傳統成見、不受黨派左右、同時又知錯能改的獨立思考力量。不知您是否同意？

「前哨預策」平台將分為三步走：內容平台 – 互動平台 – 行動平台。剛誕生的它，當前還只是個內容平台，但達到一定數量的會員支持後，將加入各種新媒體形式，與會員就重要議題互動，並以「達成不同意見之間的最大公約數」為目標。一旦在會員內部形成「最大公約數」後，就構成了行動的基礎。至於行動的形式，也由願意推動或參與的會員決定。

此平台婉拒任何政黨、政府的贊助，只接受個人會員或企業會員的贊助；所有收入及贊助，均將用於「讓台灣更好」的事務上，以及推動、發揮台灣作為東亞及世界的「關鍵少數」的槓桿角色，為人類下一波文明做出量力而為的貢獻。

我只能說，十年來的不斷保持獨立，希望能換得您對「不受任何政黨、政府左右」這一點點價值的認同。

范疇
謹上

於台灣
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【#TheDiplomat: 沈旭暉隨緣家書英文版🇭🇰】很久沒有向國際關係評論網 The Diplomat 供稿，但國際線十分重要，不應放棄。這次他們希望分享23條、國安法、反恐法風雨欲來的「新香港」前瞻，願國際社會能多了解快將出現的危機：

While the world is preoccupied with a fight against the COVID-19 pandemic, Beijing has been tightening its political grip on all aspects of Hong Kong’s civil society. Rumor has it that Beijing will push through legislating national security laws under Article 23 of Hong Kong’s Basic Law by unconventional means, such as massively disqualifying pro-democratic legislators or even directly applying a national law, widely argued as a major step to destroy the rights and freedom of Hong Kongers, and bring Chinese authoritarianism to Hong Kong.

After the 2019 protests, the administration of Carrie Lam, who theoretically is still leading the special administrative region of China, has little political capital at stake, with its legitimacy reaching rock bottom. The pro-government camp has dwindling prospects for the city’s upcoming Legislative Council election. The government‘s ”nothing to lose“ mentality is apparent from its recent blatant reinterpretation of the Basic Law’s Article 22 (another article that limits the influence of China’s offices in Hong Kong’s internal affairs). The debate is nothing new, but the pressure this time is quite different.

This article highlights the different strategies Beijing could adopt to enact Article 23 insidiously or under disguise to avoid backlash from the international community, while continuing to reap benefits from the city’s globally recognized special status. This seems to be part of Beijing’s brinkmanship to bring Hong Kong protesters and their supporters to their knees and move the city closer to authoritarianism. To counter these moves, Hong Kongers must define the boundaries beyond which Hong Kong falls into authoritarian rule and make a case as to why the city’s downfall is detrimental to the international community‘s interest.

The Long-Term Controversy Over National Security Laws

Back in 2003, the implementation of Article 23 was thwarted by the moderate pro-establishment politician James Tien. In face of overwhelming public disapproval of the law, he withdrew support and votes from his Liberal Party. However, 17 years later, it is hard to imagine Beijing following the old legislative playbook: start with a public consultation, followed by public discourse and political debate, and end with the majority rule. This playbook only works in peaceful societies ruled by a trustworthy government with integrity.

The aftermath of 2003, as well as the 2019 protests, should have taught Beijing and the Hong Kong government a lesson: pushing through national security legislation in a flawed parliament controlled by the minority pro-government camp would inevitably set off another full city-scale protest — and undoubtedly more fierce and focused this time. Given the current government’s numerous displays of dishonesty, it is conceivable that they will embark on a less-traveled path to implement Article 23.

Strategy One: “Anti-Terrorism”

In principle, one possible strategy could be to directly enact Chinese national law across Hong Kong, which can be achieved by declaring a state of emergency in the city. However, this is risky business as it would tarnish the integrity of “one country two systems” and subsequently Hong Kong’s international standing. Beijing, a risk-averse regime, is also unwilling to see Hong Kong’s status as a middleman for laundering money disappear into thin air.

Instead, Beijing could be concocting a narrative that would see Chinese national law applied to Hong Kong while not damaging Hong Kong’s international standing and Beijing’s own interests. The key word in this script is “anti-terrorism.” As early as 2014, pro-Beijing scholars have been claiming the emergence of “local terrorist ideology” on Hong Kong soil. Since the anti-extradition bill protests last year, government rhetoric frequently described the protests, which caused no deaths at all in the entire year, with phrases like “inclination to terrorist ideology.” That was a signal to the world that Hong Kong’s internal conflicts had ballooned into a national security issue. This gives the government the legitimacy to justify the implementation of Chinese national laws across the highly autonomous region to counter terrorism. The Chinese government knows that if it can persuade the world that terrorism exists in Hong Kong, and that it is as severe as the terror threat facing many other nations today, the international community will be less critical of Beijing’s actions in Hong Kong. Enacting Chinese laws directly is a convenient path that will save Beijing from having to tackle Hong Kong’s internal conflicts, basically turning the Hong Kong issue into a nonissue.

Strategy Two: Stacking the Legislature by Disqualifying Candidates

An even bolder strategy was probably foretold by a recent incident where the Hong Kong government and Beijing’s agencies for Hong Kong affairs (HKMAO and the Liaison Office) jointly criticized lawmaker Dennis Kwok for filibustering, framing it as “misconduct in public office” and “violating his oath.” It is incomprehensible to claim that filibustering goes against a lawmaker’s main duty; rather, it is common understanding that legislative work includes debating the law and representing public opinion against unreasonable laws. In a parliament controlled by the minority, pro-democratic members representing the majority of Hong Kongers are forced to express their objections using means like filibustering. Wouldn’t a lack of different political opinions turn the legislative branch into a rubber-stamp institution?

The above allegation has set a dangerous precedent for twisting the logic behind a certain provision in the Basic Law to target opposing lawmakers. In other words, to fulfill Beijing’s interpretation of the principal requirement for holding public office in Hong Kong, one could be required to take a meticulously legalistic approach to uphold the Basic Law down to its every single wording. A public official, by this new definition, not only needs to support “one country, two systems” or object Hong Kong independence, but also must abide by every single provision in the Basic Law. Worst of all, based on the previous cases, whether an official’s words or actions oversteps a provision is up to Beijing’s interpretation of his/her “intent.”

If this approach is applied, in the next election, there might be additional official questions for screening candidates like the following: “The Basic Law states that the enactment of Article 23 is a constitutional duty. Failing to support Article 23 legislation violates the Basic Law. Do you support it?” This question would suffice to disqualify even moderate or even pro-establishment candidates like James Tien. Even if any pro-democratic candidates were elected, once Article 23 re-enters the legislative process, they could risk ouster by raising objections.

Despite the absurdity of this tactic, the Chinese regime may just be tempted enough if such a strategy could resolve two of China’s current nuisances — voices of dissent in the Legislative Council and the previous failure to implement Article 23.

Strategy Three: The “Boiling Frog Effect”

Article 23 is not yet implemented, but the dystopian world that the protesters pictured in 2003 is already becoming reality. Regular citizens have been persecuted for “sedition” for sharing their views on social media or participating in legal protests; workers face retaliation for taking part in strikes; corporations are pressured to publicly side with the government’s stance; employees who have the “wrong” political views are fired; schools have been closely monitored for teaching material; protest-supporting fundraisers were framed for money laundering; a retweet or like may lead to persecution, under a colonial-era law. Only now have Hong Kongers woken up to their new reality — although the Basic Law technically protects citizens’ rights to speak, rally, march, demonstrate, and go on strike, the government could enfeeble civil rights by bending antiquated laws and legal provisions. The frequent abuse of law enforcement power on a small scale, such as improper arrests and police violence, is desensitizing the public and the international community. In a few years, Hong Kong will become unrecognizable. This is indeed a clever play on Beijing’s part to slowly strip away Hong Kong’s autonomy and freedom, without causing much international attention.

Counter-Strategies Against Beijing’s Brinkmanship

Beijing’s overarching goal is to hollow out Hong Kong but, at the same time, avoid major backlash from the international community, which could spell the end of the privileged global status of Hong Kong not granted to other Chinese cities. Beijing also aims at preventing single incidents that could cascade down into mass protests as seen in 2003, 2014, and 2019; and eliminating any resistance forces from within Hong Kong’s legislature. The tactics outlined above are typical in a game of brinkmanship.

In response, Hong Kongers in Hong Kong and on the so-called “international frontline” must know their strengths and bargaining chips on this negotiating table with Beijing.

Unlike Xinjiang and Tibet, Hong Kong is a city with transparency and free flow of information. Hong Kongers need to make a case to the world that the protests are not acts of terrorism. Some suggestions include comparing the Hong Kong protests to similar struggles in 20 or so other counties in the world at the present time, none of which were classified as terrorism; collecting a large amount of concrete evidence of the disproportionate use of force by the Hong Kong police; and showing how enacting Chinese national laws in Hong Kong will end the city’s autonomy and spell disaster for international community‘s interests.

The Legislative Council is the institution that can counteract Beijing’s “boiling frog” strategy and to keep Hong Kongers’ hope alive in the system. Those who plan to run for legislative office must be prepared to be disqualified from running. If only individuals are banned, there need to be alternative candidates as back-up plans. However, if and when the disqualification process is applied broadly to entire camps of candidates (for example, all who object to Article 23), the pro-democracy camp must make a strong case to the Hong Kong and global public that this is the endgame for Hong Kong democracy. Then the incumbent popularly elected legislators will hold the internationally recognized mandate from the public and serve as the last resistance.

These recommendations delineates how the slogan “if we burn, you burn with us,” often seen in the protests, may play out in the game of international relations. If the national security laws are “passed” by a legislature that is jury-rigged in this manner, or if related national laws are directly implemented in Hong Kong, Hong Kongers should signal clearly to the world that it goes way beyond the promised “one country, two systems.” Crossing this red line by Beijing should be seen by the world as a blunt violation of its promised autonomy to Hong Kongers. At that time, if the international community led by the United States and the United Kingdom decided to revoke the “non-sovereignty entity” status of Hong Kong and regard the SAR as an ordinary Chinese city, it shouldn’t come as a surprise.

Dr. Simon Shen is the Founding Chairman of GLOs (Glocal Learning Offices), an international relations start-up company. He also serves as an adjunct associate professor in the University of Hong Kong, Chinese University of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, and associate director of the Master of Global Political Economy Programme of the CUHK. The author acknowledges Jean Lin, Coco Ho, Chris Wong, Michelle King, and Alex Yap for their assistance in this piece.

▶️ 高度自治 vs 全面管治
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pwt8wZl8jHQ

[時事英文] 各國如何面對新冠疫情?

讓我最有感觸的一句:

"The rise of populism has exacerbated the problem by reducing the incentives of countries to cooperate. "

「民粹主義的興起減少了各國合作的意願，使問題更加嚴重。」

—NY Times

★★★★★★★★

In Frankfurt, the president of the European Central Bank warned that the coronavirus could trigger an economic crash as dire as that of 2008. In Berlin, the German chancellor warned the virus could infect two-thirds of her country’s population. In London, the British prime minister rolled out a nearly $40 billion rescue package to cushion his economy from the shock.

1. trigger an economic crash 引發經濟崩潰
2. dire 嚴重的；危急的
3. roll out 推出
4. rescue package 救助計劃
5. to cushion sth from… 對（某事物的影響或力量）起緩衝作用

在法蘭克福，歐洲央行行長警告說，冠狀病毒可能引發與2008年一樣嚴重的經濟崩潰。在柏林，德國總理警告說，病毒可能導致該國三分之二的人口感染。在倫敦，英國首相推出了將近400億美元的一系列救助計劃，以緩解經濟受到的衝擊。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

As the toll of those afflicted by the virus continued to soar and financial markets from Tokyo to New York continued to swoon, world leaders are finally starting to find their voices about the gravity of what is now officially a pandemic.

6. the toll of… 的傷亡；損失；破壞
7. the death toll 死亡人數
8. afflict 使痛苦；使苦惱；折磨
9. swoon 低迷*
10. find their voices about 願意開口談及
11. the gravity of …的嚴重性

隨著感染者的死亡人數持續飆升，從東京到紐約的金融市場持續低迷，世界各國領導人終於開始談及這場已正式定性為大流行病的疫情的嚴重性。

*http://bit.ly/3b7PZK8

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Yet it remains less a choir than a cacophony — a dissonant babble of politicians all struggling, in their own way, to cope with the manifold challenges posed by the virus, from its crushing burden on hospitals and health care workers to its economic devastation and rising death toll.

12. cacophony 刺耳嘈雜的聲音；雜音
13. a dissonant babble of... 七嘴八舌的...
14. manifold challenges 多種多樣的挑戰
15. economic devastation 經濟崩解

然而，與其說是合唱，這更像一種刺耳的喧囂——一群七嘴八舌的政客用各自的方式努力應對這種病毒所帶來的各種挑戰，從超負荷的醫院和醫護人員到崩潰的經濟和與日俱增的死亡人數。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

The choir also lacks a conductor, a role played through most of the post-World War II era by the United States.

這個合唱團還欠缺指揮，在二戰戰後的大部分時間裡，這個角色是由美國扮演的。

President Trump has failed to work with other leaders to fashion a common response, preferring to promote travel bans and his border wall over the scientific advice of his own medical experts. Mr. Trump’s secretary of state, Mike Pompeo, has taken to calling it the “Wuhan virus,” vilifying the country where it originated and complicating efforts to coordinate a global response.

16. lack (v.) 缺少，缺乏*
17. to fashion a common response 形成一致的回應
18. travel ban 旅行禁令
19. take to sth 開始從事；形成…的習慣
20. vilify 詆毀，誣衊；醜化；貶低
21. complicate 使複雜化；使更難懂；使更麻煩

川普總統未能與其他領導人合作形成一致的回應，他寧願推動旅行禁令和他的邊境牆，而不是他自己的醫學專家的科學建議。川普的國務卿邁克·龐皮歐(Mike Pompeo)把它叫做「武漢病毒」，醜化其發源國，使協調全球響應的工作更加艱難。

*lack, lack of, lacking: http://bit.ly/33LrOhw

★★★★★★★★★★★★

週三，川普總統在白宮會見了銀行家，討論如何應對冠狀病毒。

The same denigration of science and urge to block outsiders has characterized leaders from China to Iran, as well as right-wing populists in Europe, which is sowing cynicism and leaving people uncertain of who to believe. Far from trying to stamp out the virus, strongmen like President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia and Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman of Saudi Arabia have seized on the upheaval it is causing as cover for steps to consolidate their power.

22. the denigration of science 對科學的詆毀
23. characterize (v.) 是…的特徵；為…所特有
24. right-wing populists 右翼民粹主義者
25. sow a seed of 播下了…的種子
26. cynicism 犬儒主義；憤世嫉俗
27. stamp sth out 消除，消滅
28. upheaval 動盪
29. consolidate their power 鞏固自己的力量

從中國到伊朗的領導人，乃至歐洲的右翼民粹主義者，都有同樣的對科學的詆毀和對外人的排斥，這播下了疑神疑鬼的種子，讓人們不知道該相信誰。俄羅斯總統弗拉基米爾·V·普丁(Vladimir V. Putin)和沙烏地阿拉伯王儲穆罕默德·本·薩勒曼(Mohammed bin Salman)等強人領袖並沒有去試圖消滅病毒，而是趁機以其引發的動盪為掩護，鞏固自己的力量。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Yet it is too simple to lay all this at Mr. Trump’s door, or on world leaders collectively. Part of the problem is simply the fiendish nature of the pathogen.

30. lay sth at sb's door 將…歸咎於（某人）
31. fiendish 惡魔般的；殘忍的
32. pathogen 病原體

然而，將一切推到川普身上，或一股腦推到各國領導人身上，都過於簡單了。部分問題實際上源於病原體的殘忍特性。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Coronavirus has resisted the tools that countries have brought to bear against previous global scourges. Mysterious in its transmission and relentless in its spread, it has led countries to try wildly divergent responses. The lack of common standards on testing, on the cancellation of public gatherings and on quarantines have deepened the anxiety of people and eroded confidence in their leaders.

33. to bear against 抵禦
34. global scourges 全球災禍
35. wildly divergent responses 截然不同的應對方式
36. quarantine 隔離
37. eroded confidence 削弱對…的信心

各國為抵禦先前的全球災禍而使用的工具，被冠狀病毒一一擊敗。詭異的感染方式，持續不懈的傳播，已經導致各國不得不嘗試各種截然不同的應對方式。在病毒測試、取消公共聚會和隔離方法上缺乏一致的標準，這加劇了人們的焦慮，並削弱了他們對領導者的信心。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

The simultaneous shocks to supply and demand — shuttered iPhone factories in China; empty gondolas in Venice; and passengers abandoning cruises, hotels and airlines everywhere else — is a new phenomenon that may not respond to the weapons government wielded against the dislocation that followed the September 2001 terrorist attacks and the financial crisis of 2008.

38. simultaneous shocks 同時衝擊
39. supply and demand 供需
40. the weapons wielded against... 為抵禦...所鍛造的武器

供給和需求在同一時刻受到衝擊——被關閉的中國iPhone工廠；威尼斯空無一人的貢多拉；以及其他地方旅客放棄前往的郵輪、旅館和航班——政府在2001年9月的恐怖襲擊以及2008年金融危機後為抵禦混亂所鍛造的武器，恐怕難以用來對付這種新的現象。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

“The nature of this crisis is qualitatively different than the one in 2008 because the traditional tools are not as effective,” said Richard N. Haass, president of the Council on Foreign Relations. “Even if the U.S. took a leadership role, the traditional playbook would not be all that relevant here.”

41. the nature of …的性質
42. be qualitatively different 有本質區別
43. playbook 方案

「這次危機的性質，與2008年危機有本質區別，因為傳統手段的效果不佳，」外交關係委員會(Council on Foreign Relations)主席理查德·N·哈斯(Richard N. Haass)說。「即使美國發揮領導作用，傳統方案用在現在的情況沒有多大意義。」

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Britain, for example, won praise for its robust economic response, which, in addition to billions of pounds for hospitals and workers sidelined by illness, included a sharp interest rate cut by the Bank of England.

44. won praise for 贏得讚譽
45. robust economic response 強勁的經濟反應
46. in addition to 此外
47. be sidelined by illness 因疾病而停工
48. a sharp interest rate cut大幅降息

例如，英國因其強勁的經濟應對而贏得讚譽，他們不僅為醫院和因疾病而停工的工人提供了數十億英鎊撥款，還包括英格蘭銀行的大幅降息。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Yet stocks in London still tumbled, if not as steeply as on Wall Street, where investors brushed off Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin’s proposal to allow Americans to delay paying their income taxes, which he claimed would pump $200 billion into the economy.

49. tumbled （價值）暴跌，驟降
50. steeply 徒峭地；險峻地
51. brush off 漠視，不理睬

然而，倫敦股市仍然下跌，儘管跌幅不及華爾街。面對財政部長史蒂芬·馬努欽(Steven Mnuchin)提出的允許美國人緩交所得稅的提議，華爾街投資人不為所動，馬努欽聲稱此舉將為經濟注入2000億美元。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Mr. Trump’s other big idea, a cut in the payroll tax, was pronounced a “non-starter” by House Democrats, who scrambled instead to introduce legislation to provide financial help to patients, workers and families affected by the fast-moving epidemic and speed it to a House vote on Thursday.

52. payroll tax 薪金稅
53. non-starter 無成功希望的人（或想法、計劃）
54. House Democrats 眾議院民主黨議員
55. scramble to 爭搶(去做)

川普先生的另一個大想法是削減薪金稅，眾議院民主黨議員宣布這「不可能」，他們慌忙提出立法，在財務上幫助受迅速傳播的流行病影響的患者、工人和家庭，並且快速提交至週四的眾議院投票。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

To Mr. Haass, the intense focus on limiting the economic blow was understandable, given the carnage in the markets, but premature. He said countries needed to put their energy into slowing and mitigating the spread of the virus before they embarked on fiscal programs to repair the economic damage.

56. carnage （尤指戰爭中的）大屠殺，殘殺
57. carnage in the markets 市場的慘狀
58. premature 過早的；不成熟的；倉促的
59. mitigate 減緩
60. embarked on sth 開始，著手做（新的或重要的事情）
61. fiscal programs 財政計劃

哈斯認為，考慮到市場的慘狀，集中精力抑制經濟衝擊是可以理解的，但為時過早。他說，各國在開始實施財政計劃以修復經濟損失之前，需要投入精力以減慢並緩和病毒的傳播。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

The trouble is that, with few exceptions, their efforts have been hapless. In the United States, the delay in developing coronavirus test kits and the scarcity of tests has made it impossible for officials, even weeks after the first cases appeared in the country, to get a true picture of the scale of the outbreak.

62. hapless幸運的；不愉快的
63. the scarcity of …的缺乏
64. the scale of the outbreak 疫情的真實規模

問題是，除了少數例外，他們的努力都沒有什麼好結果。在美國，由於開發冠狀病毒檢測工具的進度遲緩，以及檢測手段的缺乏，官員們甚至在出現本國第一例病例數週後仍無法了解疫情的真實規模。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

In hard-hit Italy, quarrels broke out between politicians and medical experts over whether the authorities were testing too many people in Lombardy, inflating the infection figures and fueling panic in the public. Italy’s response could be weakened further by the anti-vaccination movement that was once embraced by the populist Five Star Movement, which took power in the last government.

65. hard-hit 受災嚴重的
66. inflate 抬高；誇大
67. fueling panic加劇恐慌
68. anti-vaccination movement 反疫苗運動
69. populist 民粹主義政黨
70. took power 執政

在受災嚴重的義大利，政界人士和醫學專家爭論當局是否在倫巴第對太多人進行測試，誇大感染人數，加劇公眾恐慌。義大利的反應可能會遭到反疫苗運動的進一步削弱。該運動曾受上屆執政的民粹主義政黨五星運動(Five Star Movement)的支持。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

義大利倫巴第地區是世界上受災最嚴重的地區之一，人們戴著口罩。

Even comparing one country’s case count to another’s is almost impossible, given the different testing procedures and diagnostic criteria around the world, said Dr. Chris Smith, a specialist in virology at the University of Cambridge.

71. testing procedures 檢測程序
72. diagnostic criteria 診斷標準

劍橋大學(University of Cambridge)病毒學專家克里斯·史密斯(Chris Smith)博士表示，考慮到世界各地不同的檢測程序和診斷標準，連對兩個國家的病例數進行比較幾乎都是不可能的。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

In the most extreme example, China’s case count skyrocketed when it began recording positives based on people’s symptoms, rather than a lab test, the method most countries are still using. But even lab tests might yield different results in different places, depending on the targets labs are using and the ways health workers collect and process specimens.

73. based on people’s symptom 根據某人癥狀
74. case count skyrocketed 病例數大幅飆升
75. yield different results 產生不同的結果

最極端的例子是，當中國開始根據癥狀而不是大多數國家仍在使用的實驗室檢測來計算確診病例時，病例數出現了大幅飆升。但即使是實驗室測試，不同的地方也可能產生不同的結果，這取決於實驗室使用的對象以及醫務人員收集和處理標本的方式。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

“Different countries are doing different things,” Dr. Smith said of the testing programs. “You’re not comparing apples to apples.”

「不同的國家正在做不同的事情，」史密斯談到測試項目時說。「這不是蘋果和蘋果之間的對比。」

The rise of populism has exacerbated the problem by reducing the incentives of countries to cooperate. European leaders, in a three-hour teleconference on Tuesday night, agreed to set up a 25 billion euro investment fund, or $28.1 billion, and to relax rules governing airlines to curb the economic fallout.

76. exacerbated the problem 使問題更加嚴重
77. the incentives of 誘因
78. teleconference 電話會議
79. curb the economic fallout 遏制經濟危機的影響

民粹主義的興起減少了各國合作的意願，使問題更加嚴重。歐洲領導人週二晚間舉行了三小時的電話會議，同意設立一個250億歐元（合1930億元人民幣）的投資基金，並放鬆對航空公司的監管，以遏制經濟危機的影響。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

But they failed to overcome national objections to sharing medical equipment like face masks and respirators, given that health issues are the responsibility of national governments. Germany, the Czech Republic and other countries have tightened export restrictions on this gear to keep it for their own citizens.

80. failed to overcome 未能克服
81. respirator 呼吸器
82. tightened export restrictions on… 加強了…的出口限制
83. gear （從事某活動的）裝備，用具，衣服

但他們未能克服各國對分享口罩和呼吸器等醫療器械的反對，因為健康問題是國家政府的責任。德國、捷克共和國等國家已經加強了對這些設備的出口限制，以便將其留給本國公民。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Chancellor Angela Merkel’s warning that the virus would infect 60 percent to 70 percent of people in Germany — a figure she attributed to the “consensus among experts” — was the most forthright admission of the scale of the problem by any world leader. It was fully in character for a physicist-turned-politician, reinforcing her status as the liberal West’s foil to Mr. Trump.

84. attributed to 歸於
85. consensus among experts 專家共識
86. forthright （過於）坦誠的，直率的；直截了當的
87. reinforce 強化，加深，進一步證實（觀點、看法等）
88. the liberal West’s foil 自由主義西方世界中的對比
89. foil 陪襯物*

德國總理安哥拉·梅克爾(Angela Merkel)警告說，這種病毒將感染德國60%到70%的人——她稱這一數字來自「專家共識」——這是世界各國領導人對該問題嚴重性最坦率的承認態度。這完全符合從物理學家轉型為政治家的梅克爾的性格，令她進一步成為自由主義西方世界中川普的一個鮮明對比。

*http://bit.ly/3deYyVe

★★★★★★★★★★★★

“We will do whatever is needed,” she said. “We won’t ask every day, ‘What does this mean for our deficit?’”

90. deficit 赤字

「我們會竭盡所能，」她說。「我們不會每天都問，『這對我們的赤字有什麼影響?』」

Yet even Ms. Merkel’s position has been weakened by the resurgence of the far right in Germany. Germany rebuffed a request for medical equipment from Italy, only to see China offer the Italians an aid package that includes two million face masks and 100,000 respirators.

91. a resurgence of 復甦；復興；再次興起
92. far right 極右翼勢力
93. rebuff 斷然拒絕
94. only to do sth 不料卻，沒想到卻

然而，就連梅克爾的地位也被德國極右翼勢力的復甦削弱了。德國拒絕了義大利提供醫療器械的請求，中國卻向義大利提供了包括200萬隻口罩和10萬隻呼吸器在內的援助。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

In Britain, which left the European Union in January, there are already fears that the country will not have access to a vaccine, or will have to pay more for it than other European countries. Mr. Johnson’s government, which won its recent election on a populist-inflected platform of “Get Brexit Done,” is now struggling with how to communicate the risks of the outbreak to its public.

95. a vaccine 疫苗
96. platform 綱領，政綱，宣言

在今年1月脫離歐盟的英國，已經有人擔心該國將無法獲得疫苗，或者將不得不支付比其他歐洲國家更多的費用。強生的政府在最近的選舉中獲勝，憑藉的是受民粹主義影響的「完成脫歐」(Get Brexit Done)宣言。如今這個政府正在吃力地向民眾宣講疫情暴發的風險。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

The Johnson government has put a lot of stock in a so-called nudge unit in Downing Street that specializes in behavioral psychology. But in trying to calibrate its response to what it deemed people capable of processing, the government risked condescending to Britons, said John Ashton, a former regional director of public health for the northwest of England.

97. put a lot of stock in 投入了大量資金
98. so-called 所謂
99. nudge unit 哄勸部門
100. behavioral psychology 行為心理學
101. calibrate 判斷；劃分刻度，標定
102. deem 認為，視為；覺得
103. condescending 表現出高…一等的姿態的，帶有優越感地對待…的

強生政府在唐寧街設立了一個擅長行為心理學的所謂「哄勸」部門，為此投入了大量資金。但前英格蘭西北部地區公共衛生主任約翰·阿什頓(John Ashton)說，政府在判斷人們的接受限度，並以這個限度為依據來制定自己的應對措施，這可能是在用一種假惺惺的屈就方式對待英國人民。

★★★★★★★★★★★★

Britain has only recently started publishing broad breakdowns of where people are contracting the virus. Mr. Ashton said they should be giving much more detailed information, as in Hong Kong, which has published building-level maps of patients who have gotten sick, when they were there and how they contracted the virus.

英國直到最近才開始公布感染髮生的具體地點。阿什頓說，他們應該提供更詳細的信息，就像香港一樣。香港公布了具體到建築的患者地圖，並提供他們在那裡的時間和感染病毒的方式。

“I think it’s patronizing — they need to keep the public fully in the picture,” Mr. Ashton said. “You have to treat the public as adults, instead of keeping them in the dark. That’s where you get rumor and hysteria. They actually create panic by not being open with people.”

104. patronizing 屈尊俯就的；自以為高人一等的
105. keep sb in the picture 使（某人）了解情況
106. keeping sb in the dark 蒙在鼓裡
107. rumor and hysteria 謠言和歇斯底里

「我認為這是一種哄人的姿態——他們需要讓公眾充分了解情況，」阿什頓說。「你必須像對待成年人一樣對待公眾，而不是把他們蒙在鼓裡。謠言和歇斯底里就是這麼來的。他們不向人民開誠布公，實際上是在製造恐慌。」

★★★★★★★★★★★★

完整報導: https://nyti.ms/2J070dm

圖片來源: http://bit.ly/2U1tgJS

★★★★★★★★★★★★

這篇文章你最喜歡哪一句? 辛苦的小編把所有的關鍵片語都列出來了! 同學會持續的看到這些關鍵詞彙和句型出現在我們所有的時事英文喔！

★★★★★★★★★★★★

台灣的應對: http://bit.ly/3a6NSGu

保健心智圖: https://goo.gl/seqt5k

保健相關單字: https://wp.me/p44l9b-Tt (+mp3)

時事英文大全: http://bit.ly/2WtAqop

★★★★★★★★★★★★

這一週的「時事英文」講義和使用方式: https://bit.ly/3a9rr38

Singaporean cuisine is multi-faceted because of cultural influences. While a majority of Singaporeans are Chinese, we also have Malay, Indian and Eurasian ethnic groups. We've been taught since young to embrace racial diversity and maintain social harmony. This is not only evident in our language - Singlish, which is a variety of English spoken in Singapore, incorporating elements of Chinese and Malay, but also the food that we eat. Spicy food is rather common in Singapore so when Sichuan cuisine is brought over to our shore, they immediately became a hit. Almost all the coffeeshops or foodcourts in Singapore these days have at least one stall selling Sichuan food. Sichuan (Szechuan or sometimes spelt as Schezwan) food has a unique bold and lip-numbing spiciness in most of their dishes because of the liberal use of garlic, Sichuan peppercorns and other spices. One of their most popular dishes is this Spicy Fish Hot Pot or Chong Qing Grilled Fish. The soup base of this dish is good to go with rice and noodles. You can also add any side ingredients, such as beancurd skin, tofu, mushrooms, prawns, instant ramen noodles, etc to this dish. If you have a party coming up, you can consider serving this over a portable stove and have the side ingredients placed on the side so that your guests can cook while they eat. It's a really nice experience. Just prepare extra stock because we can guarantee you that a top-up is required. If you've never tried this yummy dish before, do give it a go.

See the ingredient list below for your easy reference.

Hope you can recreate this yummy dish in the comfort of your home. Happy cooking!

Thanks for dropping by our channel. Please subscribe to stay tuned to our home cooking videos.

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Sichuan Spicy Fish Hot Pot (Szechuan Chong Qing Grilled Fish) 重庆烤鱼
Ingredients:
Serves 6 pax
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Grilled fish - bake at 200C or 400F for 20 mins
-------
400g fresh fish (you can use sea bass, snapper, etc)
1 teaspoon salt
0.5 teaspoon light soy sauce
1 tablespoon cooking oil
0.5 tablespoon chilli powder
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Soup base
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20g young ginger - chopped
5 cloves garlic - chopped
2 tablespoons Sichuan peppercorns
15 dried chilli (rehydrated & cut into small pieces)
2 tablespoons Chinese spicy paste (Xiang La Jiang 香辣酱) can use spicy broad bean paste 豆瓣酱
1.2L water
1 chicken stock cube
1 teaspoon sugar
-------

Other ingredients
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2 potatoes - thinly sliced
300g enoki mushroosm
100g soybean sprouts
50g sweet potato vermicelli (can be replaced with glass noodles/ tanghoon)

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Don't know where to get the ingredients or don't know how they look like? See the links below.
Light soy sauce https://amzn.to/3u0e27C
Chilli powder / flakes https://amzn.to/3tX8ydE
Sichuan peppercorns https://amzn.to/3t3lJc5
Dried chilli https://amzn.to/3gFzXNy
Spicy sauce https://amzn.to/3dRcnM3
Chicken stock cube https://amzn.to/3dS7Jxe

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Looking for similar cooking equipment like the one we used in the video? These might interest you:
Granite pan (used for blanching) https://amzn.to/2V5v9oT
Buy the exact set in Singapore: https://heyhommies.com/product/la-gourmet-shogun-twister-family-set/

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Filming equipment: iPhone 11 Pro Max (Get from Amazon https://amzn.to/3eA24tz)

Microphone: Sennheiser AVX digital wireless microphone system

Get Sennheiser wireless microphone in Singapore: https://singapore.sennheiser.com/products/avx-mke2-set-3-uk?_pos=2&_sid=adb86a9d8&_ss=r

Get Sennheiser wireless microphone from Amazon: https://amzn.to/2NILqMR
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If you like this recipe, you might like these too:

Sichuan Spicy Chicken 辣子鸡
https://youtu.be/-hoxfyzt2K8

Chinese Spicy Seafood Noodles 香辣炒面
https://youtu.be/OeO8OAw4kDE

3 Simple Chinese Szechuan Appetizer Recipes! Spicy Wonton 红油抄手 Cucumber Salad Century Egg Tofu 皮蛋豆腐
https://youtu.be/B9QAsBcOeJk

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Disclaimer: Spice N' Pans is not related to these products and cannot guarantee the quality of the products in the links provided. Links are provided here for your convenience. We can only stand by the brands of the products we used in the video and we highly recommend you to buy them. Even then, preference can be subjective. Please buy at your own risk. Some of the links provided here may be affiliated. These links are important as they help to fund this channel so that we can continue to give you more recipes. Cheers!