求國際關注
【民陣對國際社會的緊急呼籲】
CHRF Urgent Appeal to International Society
On the Escalation of Tension in Hong Kong
(English version below)
致世界各地的朋友:
香港作為一個國際大都會,現正面臨人道危機。過去幾個月,香港警察已發射近 10,000 發催淚彈,88% 市民已受到催淚氣體影響,其中日前在香港中文大學單日已發射過千發。催淚彈已令香港陷入化學污染。
現在,血腥鎮壓已不再是夢魘,
而是有實際機會出現的悲劇。
今晚,防暴警察封鎖香港理工大學,圍困在內的抗爭者。隨著形勢及武力不斷升級,我們極度憂慮年輕學子會流血收場。
朋友們,你們可能對電視出現的暴力衝突感到不安。但容我們解釋,政權的暴力才催生了更多暴力。香港反送中運動的暴力升級,是源自於 6.12 警暴、元朗 7.21 黑幫無差別攻擊下的無警時分,以及政府遲遲拒絕回應香港人的五大訴求,包括獨立調查警察濫暴。近 9 成市民支持獨立調查警暴,但特首林鄭月娥依然冥頑不靈,唯恐此舉會損害警隊士氣。
無人希望見到香港理工大學被暴力鎮壓。但更令人憂慮的是,警務處長盧偉聰將於本月 19 日退休,警隊有理由在其卸任前夕做盡暴行,好讓繼任人開脫責任。
阻止香港局勢急速惡化是當務之急,民陣促請香港政府及警隊停止升級行動,以至採取致命武力對付理大示威者。我們同時呼籲國際社會響應,要求港府克制,並撤走包圍理大的防暴警察。
我們已經見到對廣大和理非市民團結一致、支持理大手足的號召,我們呼籲所有對團結、和平、公義有所堅持的香港人互相扶持,絕對不要因現在的危機而放棄。
願榮光歸香港。
民間人權陣線
2019.11.18 HKT 0000
———
CHRF Urgent Appeal to International Society
On the Escalation of Tension in Hong Kong
Dear Friends in the World,
Hong Kong, a modern and civilised metropolitan, is now under humanitarian crisis.
88% of the population have suffered from tear gas. The Hong Kong police have shot nearly 10,000 rounds of tear gas, 1/5 of them were deployed in the Chinese University of Hong Kong last week. The excessive use of tear gas brings Hong Kong into a city of chemical pollution.
Worse still, bloodshed and crackdown are no longer a nightmare but a concrete possibility.
Tonight, the riot police blocked all exit of Hong Kong Polytechnic University, and protestors are now unable to leave. With the tense atmosphere and escalation of the use of force by police, we worry that the protestors, most of whom are our young and future generation, will face arrest with bloodshed.
My dear friends, you may be disturbed by the violent scene on the TV screen. However, we invite you to go to the deep. Violence begets violence. The escalation of violence is inevitably attributed by the excessive use of force by police on 12 June, the inaction of law enforcement agency in the Yuen Long Gangs’ attack on 21 July, and the government’s continuous rejections to fulfil the five demands, including setting up an independent commission of inquiry to investigate police brutality. While this demand has nearly 90% of popular support as reflected in public opinion surveys, Carrie Lam has insisted with her objections in order to keep the morale of police force, in spite of allegations of abuse of power and force.
No one wants to witness a crackdown in Hong Kong Polytechnic University. It is so worrying that, since the current police commissioner will retire from 19 Nov onwards, the police officers do not mind doing ugly jobs that make the police commissioner accountable.
De-escalation is of paramount importance now. We urge the Hong Kong government and Hong Kong police to de-escalate the situation and stop using any lethal force against protestors in the site. We also urge international community to join our appeal for de-escalation of state violence, and the retreat of riot police near the campus.
There are calls for all peaceful protestors in Hong Kong to stand up in solidarity with those who are in Polytechnic University. We call for everyone who are committed to solidarity, peace and justice to support each other in their possible ways, and do not give up in face of this crisis.
May glory and peace be with Hong Kong.
Civil Human Rights Front
2019.11.18 HKT 0000
———
【民陣 TG】 t.me/CivilHumanRightsFront
【民陣 Twitter】 twitter.com/chrf_hk
民陣被捕法律支援熱線:6549 9452
Whatsapp / SMS / Telegram
請提供資料:(*必要)
1. 被捕地點
2. 中文全名*
3. 英文全名
4. 身份證號碼
5. 所在警署
6. 性別
7. 年齡
8. 緊急聯絡人電話*
9. 報料人電話*(如與 8. 有不同)
10. 其他詳情
同時也有1部Youtube影片,追蹤數超過1萬的網紅伊汶涵宇,也在其Youtube影片中提到,2013 12 23 Vancouver Library...
government agency中文 在 Fernando Chiu-hung Cheung 張超雄 Facebook 的最讚貼文
【民陣對國際社會的緊急呼籲】
CHRF Urgent Appeal to International Society
On the Escalation of Tension in Hong Kong
(English version below)
致世界各地的朋友:
香港作為一個國際大都會,現正面臨人道危機。過去幾個月,香港警察已發射近 10,000 發催淚彈,88% 市民已受到催淚氣體影響,其中日前在香港中文大學單日已發射過千發。催淚彈已令香港陷入化學污染。
現在,血腥鎮壓已不再是夢魘,
而是有實際機會出現的悲劇。
今晚,防暴警察封鎖香港理工大學,圍困在內的抗爭者。隨著形勢及武力不斷升級,我們極度憂慮年輕學子會流血收場。
朋友們,你們可能對電視出現的暴力衝突感到不安。但容我們解釋,政權的暴力才催生了更多暴力。香港反送中運動的暴力升級,是源自於 6.12 警暴、元朗 7.21 黑幫無差別攻擊下的無警時分,以及政府遲遲拒絕回應香港人的五大訴求,包括獨立調查警察濫暴。近 9 成市民支持獨立調查警暴,但特首林鄭月娥依然冥頑不靈,唯恐此舉會損害警隊士氣。
無人希望見到香港理工大學被暴力鎮壓。但更令人憂慮的是,警務處長盧偉聰將於本月 19 日退休,警隊有理由在其卸任前夕做盡暴行,好讓繼任人開脫責任。
阻止香港局勢急速惡化是當務之急,民陣促請香港政府及警隊停止升級行動,以至採取致命武力對付理大示威者。我們同時呼籲國際社會響應,要求港府克制,並撤走包圍理大的防暴警察。
我們已經見到對廣大和理非市民團結一致、支持理大手足的號召,我們呼籲所有對團結、和平、公義有所堅持的香港人互相扶持,絕對不要因現在的危機而放棄。
願榮光歸香港。
民間人權陣線
2019.11.18 HKT 0000
———
CHRF Urgent Appeal to International Society
On the Escalation of Tension in Hong Kong
Dear Friends in the World,
Hong Kong, a modern and civilised metropolitan, is now under humanitarian crisis.
88% of the population have suffered from tear gas. The Hong Kong police have shot nearly 10,000 rounds of tear gas, 1/5 of them were deployed in the Chinese University of Hong Kong last week. The excessive use of tear gas brings Hong Kong into a city of chemical pollution.
Worse still, bloodshed and crackdown are no longer a nightmare but a concrete possibility.
Tonight, the riot police blocked all exit of Hong Kong Polytechnic University, and protestors are now unable to leave. With the tense atmosphere and escalation of the use of force by police, we worry that the protestors, most of whom are our young and future generation, will face arrest with bloodshed.
My dear friends, you may be disturbed by the violent scene on the TV screen. However, we invite you to go to the deep. Violence begets violence. The escalation of violence is inevitably attributed by the excessive use of force by police on 12 June, the inaction of law enforcement agency in the Yuen Long Gangs’ attack on 21 July, and the government’s continuous rejections to fulfil the five demands, including setting up an independent commission of inquiry to investigate police brutality. While this demand has nearly 90% of popular support as reflected in public opinion surveys, Carrie Lam has insisted with her objections in order to keep the morale of police force, in spite of allegations of abuse of power and force.
No one wants to witness a crackdown in Hong Kong Polytechnic University. It is so worrying that, since the current police commissioner will retire from 19 Nov onwards, the police officers do not mind doing ugly jobs that make the police commissioner accountable.
De-escalation is of paramount importance now. We urge the Hong Kong government and Hong Kong police to de-escalate the situation and stop using any lethal force against protestors in the site. We also urge international community to join our appeal for de-escalation of state violence, and the retreat of riot police near the campus.
There are calls for all peaceful protestors in Hong Kong to stand up in solidarity with those who are in Polytechnic University. We call for everyone who are committed to solidarity, peace and justice to support each other in their possible ways, and do not give up in face of this crisis.
May glory and peace be with Hong Kong.
Civil Human Rights Front
2019.11.18 HKT 0000
———
【民陣 TG】 t.me/CivilHumanRightsFront
【民陣 Twitter】 twitter.com/chrf_hk
民陣被捕法律支援熱線:6549 9452
Whatsapp / SMS / Telegram
請提供資料:(*必要)
1. 被捕地點
2. 中文全名*
3. 英文全名
4. 身份證號碼
5. 所在警署
6. 性別
7. 年齡
8. 緊急聯絡人電話*
9. 報料人電話*(如與 8. 有不同)
10. 其他詳情
government agency中文 在 健吾 Facebook 的最佳解答
各位,生成器也許已沒有用了。選管會一天就收到4500封電郵。看來,大家炸他電郵還是有點用的。
以下乃沈大師言為「內部AO提供範本」。的確是官話文章,請先仔細閱讀,才選擇是否發出電郵吧。
你還有5小時。
请广传,好人一生平安。
[#官方資訊] 早前分享了一位高級政務官朋友就《逃犯條例》爭議的感受,得到數千轉載,迴響十分熱烈,也有不少公務員私訊回應。本頁對象一直以黃藍以外的專業人士為主,雖然平日只分享國際視野資訊,但在關鍵時刻,也希望為一些平日對社會抽離的朋友,提供更多資訊參考。以下是我的另一位AO朋友擔心局勢惡化,希望以自己的方式真正為特區政府服務,因此以私人身份草擬的意見書,回應特區政府選舉管理委員會關於區議會選舉的官方諮詢,並使用了完美官僚理據、格式和文法,就DQ候選人提供了詳細意見。根據官方資訊,《逃犯條例》收到4500份意見書,其中3000份「贊成」,因此發出意見書並非毫無價值。這位AO表示,大家可以直接使用這格式,根據個人觀點加減內容直接電郵遞交,因為香港人大家都忙,這過程只需一分鐘,應該最符合成本效益。截止日期是7月10日或之前,請廣傳,好人一生平安。
10 July 2019
Chairman
Electoral Affairs Commission (EAC)
By Email: eacenq@eac.hk
Dear Chairman,
Public consultation on District Council Election proposed guidelines
I write to object to Chapter 3 of the Proposed Guidelines, as it gives Government an unjust, unfair, and unchecked power to disqualify any candidate during the nomination period by reason of Government’s own political motives.
Chapter 3.1 of the Proposed Guidelines says that : “Under the law, the validity of a candidate’s nomination is to be determined by the Returning Officer (RO). The EAC is neither empowered nor involved in the making of such decision and would not provide any advice on the decision made by the RO”.
Chapter 3.9(b) of the Proposed Guidelines describes the requirement by which a candidate must declare (through signing a “Confirmation Form” by the EAC) that he would uphold the Basic Law and pledge allegiance to the HKSAR.
It is totally unclear whether a Confirmation Form duly signed by a candidate is itself sufficient to discharge the candidate’s duty to declare his willingness to uphold the Basic Law and pledge allegiance to the HKSAR when he is elected to the office.
Previous elections showed that an RO, who was a civil servant (pitched at Administrative Officer Staff Grade C / District Officer) appointed to the role of RO prior to the election, could make subjective and arbitrary judgment about a candidate’s state of mind and political orientation, with selective reference to some or a few past writings, speeches, statements, expression of opinions, posts in social media platforms in relation to the candidate, instead of merely looking at a Confirmation Form duly signed.
I find it outrageous to see that Ms. Anne Teng, then District Officer (Eastern) appointed to the role of RO in a legislative council by-election last year, could refuse to acknowledge a confirmation form signed by Miss Agnes Chow Ting and disqualify her, citing absurd and arbitrary reasons with reference to some of Miss Chow’s previous remarks or those of her political party, and without giving Miss Chow a fair opportunity to respond to those reasons uttered unreasonably by the RO.
The Proposed Guidelines shows that the EAC has failed its duty to introduce any additional safeguard or measures to plug this unreasonable, unlawful and unconstitutional loophole, which may still be freely exploited by any RO in the next election driven by bad faith and political motive.
It is unacceptable that the EAC could confess that it is “neither empowered nor involved in the making of such decision and would not provide any advice on the decision made by the RO” (Chapter 3.1). I question how the EAC can still “ensure that an election is conducted openly, fairly and honestly at all times” – its statutory duty enshrined in the Electoral Affairs Commission Ordinance - when it is not involved in scrutinising or monitoring the exercise of an RO’s power in disqualifying any candidate at the RO’s own political preference.
The Guidelines did not describe in detail how an RO could, on his or her own, research during the short nomination period the political belief and past sayings of any candidate. The Guidelines are also silent as to whether the RO would have received biased or secret advice from any agency such as Department of Justice, Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Bureau, Home Affairs Department, Information Services Department, etc., which may have compiled a detailed recollection of a candidate’s previous remarks in advance. It was suggested by some that such a compilation of speech or opinion records prepared by any agency other than the RO could have assisted the RO unlawfully in reaching a dangerous disqualification decision to deprive a candidate of the right to stand for the election.
I must remind the EAC that the right to stand for election is a fundamental right guaranteed under the Basic Law and the Hong Kong Bill of Rights. The United Nations Human Rights Committee’s General Comment 25 also states that “political opinion may not be used as a ground to deprive any person of the right to stand for election.”
I am disappointed to see that the proposed Guidelines have not offered anything substantive to protect a candidate from the RO’s unlawful interference in the election by disqualifying candidates he or she dislikes. The EAC must look at this carefully to see what it can do.
The current remedy about determining the lawfulness of an RO’s disqualification decision through an election petition to be adjudicated later by the court one or two years after the actual election is totally unsatisfactory, with the lapse of time which delays the timely delivery of a just outcome.
I stress that I object to Chapter 3 of the Proposed Guidelines in its entirety. I urge you to review all the processes described in Chapter 3 again and independently. In so doing, you must resist all political considerations wrongly dictated by the Chief Executive, Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Bureau, Department of Justice, or other government agency seeking to disturb the fairness and integrity of the forthcoming district council election.
Yours sincerely,
XXXX
更新:有熱心網友翻譯為中文版,並對原文作出修訂,請隨便share/修改:
10 July 2019
選舉管理委員會主席 鈞啓
選舉管理委員會主席鈞鑒: 關於區議會選舉活動建議指引公眾諮詢事宜
本人謹致函對建議指引第三章表達反對意見。建議指引第三章將賦予政府不公平、不公正以及不被箝制的權力,容許政府於提名階段取消香港市民的參選資格,以迎合政府自身的政治目的。
建議指引第三章第一部分(3.1)指:「根據法例,候選人的提名是否有效 ,完全是由選舉主任作出決定,選管會無權並一向沒有參與, 亦不會給予任何意見。」
建議指引第三章3.9(b) 要求候選人透過簽署選管會擬備的確認書表明他/她擁護《基本法》並保證對香港特別行政區效忠。
至於候選人是否能夠簽署確認書就能滿足擁護《基本法》並保證對香港特別行政區效忠的要求,建議指引對此完全沒有清晰交代。
過往選舉顯示,首長級丙級政務官/民政事務專員級別的公務員於選舉前獲委任為選舉主任,便能夠就候選人的思緒及政治取向作出主觀且隨意獨斷的決定,並只需揀選候選人往日曾經發表的文章、言論、宣言、意見表達、社交媒體帖文以及社交媒體專頁發佈關於對候選人的帖文穿鑿附會,當作輔證,而非僅以候選人是否有簽署確認書為單獨基礎作判斷。
去年立法會補選,時任東區民政事務專員鄧如欣獲委任為選舉主任,居然拒絕周庭小姐簽署的確認書,以周庭小姐及其所屬政黨昔日的言論去佐證選舉主任荒唐的理由,去褫奪周庭小姐的參選資格,並且沒有給予周庭小姐公平機會回應選舉主任的無理指控,實在令人憤慨。
由建議指引可見,選舉管理委員會並無引入任何措施或保障,去堵塞上述不合理、不合法、不合憲的漏洞。今後選舉主任依然可以使用此漏洞,依據其個人的政治目的或理念,惡意褫奪任何香港市民的參選資格。
選舉管理委員會於第三章第一部分(3.1)指:「根據法例,候選人的提名是否有效 ,完全是由選舉主任作出決定,選管會無權並一向沒有參與, 亦不會給予任何意見。」此點完全不可接受。當選舉管理委員會對選舉主任按其個人政治取向褫奪候選人參選資格的權力不作任何箝制、監察或審查, 又能如何履行其法定職責,「確保在香港舉行的選舉是以公開、公平和誠實的方式進行」呢?
建議指引並無對選舉主任如何可於短促的提名期內研究並審查任何候選人的政治理念及昔日言論有任何著墨。 建議指引亦未有論及選舉主任會否收到其他機構的秘密意見或者偏頗意見。上述的其他機構,例如律政司、內地及政制事務局、民政事務總署或政府新聞處等,可能預先詳細記錄相關候選人的昔日言論。據悉,上述由第三方準備的詳細記錄可能不合法地導致選舉主任作出褫奪候選人選舉資格的危險決定。
本人必須提醒選舉管理委員會,被選舉權是獲香港基本法及香港人權法案保障的基本權利。聯合國人權事務委員會第25號一般性意見亦指出:「不得以政治見解為由剝奪任何人參加競選的權利。」
本人對建議指引並未就保障候選人不被選舉主任按其個人喜惡褫奪資格,防止選舉主任非法干預選舉採取任何措施深感失望。選舉管理委員會必須詳細檢視自己對上述問題有何解決方法。
就選舉主任褫奪參選資格的合法性,目前透過選舉呈請,並於選舉完結一兩年後由法庭裁決的安排實在強差人意。當中所耗的時間令公義遲來。
本人對建議指引第三章完全反對。本人懇求主席重新並獨立審視第三章所包含的所有程序。在重新審視的時候,懇請閣下撇除並抗拒所有政治考量,尤其是來自行政長官、政制及事務內地局、律政司及其他政府機構企圖干預未來區議會選舉的誠信和公平性的政治考量。
敬祝 鈞安 XXXXXXXX 敬上
2019年7月9日
government agency中文 在 伊汶涵宇 Youtube 的最佳貼文
2013 12 23 Vancouver Library
government agency中文 在 government agency - 英中– Linguee词典 的相關結果
大量翻译例句关于"government agency" – 英中词典以及8百万条中文译文例句搜索。 ... <看更多>
government agency中文 在 government agency 中文 - 查查綫上辭典 的相關結果
government agency中文 ::政府機關;政府機構…,點擊查查權威綫上辭典詳細解釋government agency的中文翻譯,government agency的發音,音標,用法和例句等。 ... <看更多>
government agency中文 在 Government agencies - 政府單位 - 國家教育研究院雙語詞彙 的相關結果
政府單位. Government agencies. 以Government agencies 進行詞彙精確檢索結果. 出處/學術領域, 英文詞彙, 中文詞彙. 學術名詞 經濟學, Government agencies, 政府單位 ... ... <看更多>