關於 in my eyes用法 ，我們在網路上蒐集到這些相關的討論、資訊與評價

毋忘五大訴求　公民抗命有理
—10‧20九龍遊行陳情書
（案件編號：DCCC 535/2020）

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胡法官雅文閣下：

　　2012年，我第一次站在法庭上承認違反「公安惡法」，述說對普選的盼望，批評公安惡法不義，並因公民抗命的緣故，甘心樂意接受刑罰。當年我說，如果小圈子選舉沒有被廢除，惡法沒有消失，我依然會一如故我，公民抗命，並且我相信將會有更多學生和市民加入這個行列。想不到時至今日，普選仍然遙遙無期，我亦再次被帶到法庭接受審判，但只是短短７年，已經有數十萬計的群眾公民抗命，反對暴政。今日，我承認違反「未經批准的政府」所訂立「未經批准的惡法」之下的「未經批准集結」罪，我不打算尋求法庭的憐憫，但請容許我佔用法庭些微時間陳情，讓法庭在判刑前有全面考慮。

暴力之濫觴

　　在整個反修例運動如火如荼之際，我正承擔另一宗公民抗命案件的刑責。雖然身在獄中，但仍然心繫手足。我在獄中電視機前見證6月9日、6月16日及8月18日三次百萬港人大遊行，幾多熱愛和平的港人冒天雨冒彈雨走上街頭，抗議不義惡法，今日關於10月20日的案件，亦是如此。可能有人會問，政府已在6月暫緩修例，更在9月正式撤回修例，我等仍然繼續示威，豈非無理取鬧？我相信法官閣下肯定聽過「遲來的正義並非正義」（Justice delayed is justice denied）這句格言。當過百萬群眾走上街頭，和平表達不滿的時候，林鄭政府沒有理睬，反而獨行獨斷，粗暴踐踏港人的意願，結果製造出後來連綿不絕的爭拗，甚至你死我活的對抗。經歷眾多衝突痛苦之後，所謂暫緩撤回，已經微不足道，我們只是更加清楚：沒有民主，就連基本人權都不會擁有！

　　在本案之中，雖然我們都沒有鼓動或作出暴力行為，但根據早前8‧18及10‧1兩宗案件，相信在控方及法庭眼中，案發當日的暴力事件仍然可以算在我們頭上，如此，我有必要問：如果香港有一個公平正義的普及選舉，人民可以在立法會直接否決他們不認可的法律，試問2019年的暴力衝突可以從何而來呢？如果我們眼見的暴力是如此十惡不赦，那麼我們又如何看待百萬人遊行後仍然堅持推行惡法的制度暴力呢？如果我們不能接受人民暴力反抗，那麼我們是否更加不能對更巨大更壓逼的制度暴力沈默不言？真正且經常發生的暴力，是漠視人民訴求的暴力，是踐踏人民意見的暴力，是剝奪人民表達權利的暴力。真正憎恨暴力，痛恨暴力的人，不可能一方面指摘暴力反抗，又容忍制度暴力。如果我需要承擔和平遊行引發出來的暴力事件的刑責，那麼誰應該承擔施政失敗所引發出來的社會騷亂的罪責呢？

社會之病根

　　對於法庭而言，可能2019年所發生的事情只是一場社會騷亂，務必追究違法者個人責任。然而，治亂治其本源，醫病醫其病根，我雖然公民抗命，刻意違法，控方把我帶上法庭，但我卻不應被理解為一個「犯罪個體」。2019年所發生的事情，並不是我一個人或我們這幾位被告可以促成，社會問題的癥結不是「犯罪份子」本身，而是「犯罪原因」。我明白「治亂世用重典」的道理，但如果「殺雞儆猴」是解決方法，就不會在2016年發生旺角騷亂及2017年上訴庭對示威者施以重刑後，2019年仍然會爆發出更大規模的暴力反抗。

如果不希望社會動亂，就必須正本清源，逐步落實「五大訴求」，從根本上改革，挽回民心。2019年反修例運動，其實只是2014年雨傘運動的延續而已，縱使法庭可能認為兩個運動皆是「一股歪風」所引起，但我必須澄清，兩個運動的核心就是追求民主普選，人民當家作主。在2019年11月24日區議會選舉這個最類近全民普選的選舉中，接近300萬人投票，民主派大勝，奪得17個區議會主導權，這就是整個反修例運動的民意，民意就是反對政府決策，反對制度暴力，反對推行惡法，不容爭辯，不辯自明。我們作為礦場裡的金絲雀，多次提醒政府撤回修法，並從根本上改革制度，而在10月20日的九龍遊行當然是反映民意的平台契機。如今，法庭對我們施加重刑，其實只不過是懲罰民意，將金絲雀困在鳥籠之內，甚至扼殺於鼓掌之中，窒礙表達自由。

堅持之重要

　　大運動過後的大鎮壓，使我們失去《蘋果日報》，失去教協，失去民陣，不少民主派領袖以及曾為運動付出的手足戰友都囚於獄中，不少曾經熱情投入運動的朋友亦因《國安法》的威脅轉為低調，新聞自由示威自由日漸萎縮，公民社會受到沈重打擊，我亦失去不少摯友，有感傷孤獨的時候，但我仍然相信，2019年香港人的信念，以及所展現人類的光輝持久未變。我不會忘記百萬人民冒雨捱熱抗拒暴政，抵制惡法，展現我們眾志成城；我不會忘記人潮紅海，讓道救護車，展現我們文明精神；我不會忘記年青志士直接行動反對苛政，捨身成仁，展現我們膽色勇氣；我不會忘記銀髮一族走上街頭保護年青人，展現我們彼此關懷；我不會忘記「五大訴求」，不會忘記2019年區議會選舉，展現我們有理有節。

　　法官閣下，我對於當日的所作所為，不感羞恥，毫無悔意。我能夠在出獄後與群眾同行一路，與戰友同繫一獄，實是莫大榮幸。若法治失去民主基石，將使法庭無奈地接受專制政權所訂立解釋的法律限制，隨時變成政治工具掃除異見，因此爭取民主普選，建設真正法治，追求公平正義，仍然是我的理想。在這條路上，如有必要，我仍然會公民抗命，正如終審法院海外非常任法官賀輔明（Lord Hoffmann）所言，發自良知的公民抗命有悠久及光榮的傳統，歷史將證明我們是正確的。我期望，曾與我一起遊行抗命的手足戰友要堅持信念，在艱難歲月裡毋忘初衷，活在愛和真實之中。

　　最後，如9年前一樣，我想借用美國民權領袖馬丁路德金牧師的一番話對我們的反對者說：「我們將以自己忍受苦難的能力，來較量你們製造苦難的能力。我們將用我們靈魂的力量，來抵禦你們物質的暴力。對我們做你們想做的事吧，我們仍然愛你們。我們不能憑良心服從你們不公正的法律，因為拒惡與為善一樣是道德責任。將我們送入監獄吧，我們仍然愛你們。」（We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you.）

　　願慈愛的主耶穌賜我們平安，與我和我一家同在，與法官閣下同在，與香港人同在。沒有暴徒，只有暴政；五大訴求，缺一不可！願榮耀歸上帝，榮光歸人民！

第五被告
黃浩銘
二零二一年八月十九日

Lest we forget the five demands: civil disobedience is morally justified
- Statement on 10‧20 Kowloon Rally
(Case No.: DCCC 535/2020)

Your Honour Judge Woodcock

In 2012, I stood before the court and admitted to violating the "Public Security Evil Law". I expressed my hope for universal suffrage, criticized the evil law as unjust, and willingly accepted the penalty for civil disobedience. Back then, I said that if the small-circle election had not been abolished and the draconian law had not disappeared, I would still be as determined as I was, and I believe that more students and citizens would join this movement. Today, universal suffrage is still a long way off, and I have been brought before the court again for trial. But in just seven years, hundreds of thousands of people have already risen up in civil disobedience against tyranny. Today, I plead guilty to "unauthorised assembly" under an unapproved evil law enacted by an unauthorised government. I do not intend to seek the court's mercy, but please allow me to take up a little time in court to present my case so that the court can consider all aspects before sentencing me.

The roots of violence

At the time when the whole anti-extradition law movement was in full-swing, I was taking responsibility for another civil disobedience case. Although I was in prison, my heart was still with the people. I witnessed the three million-person rallies on 9 June, 16 June and 18 August on television in prison, when many peace-loving people took to the streets despite the rain and bullets, to protest against unjust laws. Some people may ask, "The Government has already suspended the legislative amendments in June and formally withdrew the bill in September, but we are still demonstrating, are we not being unreasonable?" I am sure your Honour has heard of the adage "Justice delayed is justice denied". When more than a million people took to the streets to express their discontent peacefully, the Lam administration ignored them and instead acted arbitrarily, brutally trampling on the wishes of the people of Hong Kong, resulting in endless arguments and even confrontations. After so many conflicts and painful experiences, the so-called moratorium is no longer meaningful. We only know better: without democracy, we cannot even have basic human rights!

In this case, although we did not instigate or commit acts of violence, I believe that in the eyes of the prosecution and the court, the violence on the day of the incident can still be counted against us, based on the August 18 and October 1 case. And now I must ask - If Hong Kong had a fair and just universal election, and the public could directly veto laws they did not approve of at the Legislative Council, then how could the violent clashes of 2019 have come about? If the violence we see is so heinous, how do we feel about the institutional violence that insists on the imposition of draconian laws even after millions of people have taken to the streets? If we cannot accept violent rebellion, how can we remain silent in the face of even greater and more oppressive institutional violence? The true and frequent violence is the kind of violence that ignores people's demands, that tramples on their opinions, that deprives them of their right to express themselves. People who truly hate violence and abhor it cannot accuse violent resistance on the one hand and tolerate institutional violence on the other. If I have to bear the criminal responsibility for the violence caused by the peaceful demonstration, then who should bear the criminal responsibility for the social unrest caused by failed administration?

The roots of society's problems

From a court's point of view, it may be that what happened in 2019 was just a series of social unrest, and that those who broke the law must be held personally accountable. What happened in 2019 was not something that I alone or the defendants could have made possible, and the crux of the social problem was not the 'criminals' but the 'causes of crime'. I understand the concept of " applying severe punishment to a troubled world", but if "decimation" was really the solution, there would not have been more violent rebellions in 2019 after the Mongkok "riot" in 2016 and the heavy sentences handed down to protesters by the Court of Appeal in 2017.

If we do not want social unrest, we must get to the root of the problem and implement the "five demands" step by step, so as to achieve fundamental reforms and win back the hearts of the people. 2019's anti-revision movement is indeed a continuation of 2014's Umbrella Movement, and even though the court may think that both movements are caused by a "perverse wind", I must clarify that the core of both movements is the pursuit of democracy and universal suffrage, and the people being the masters of their own house. In the District Council election on 24 November 2019, which is the closest thing to universal suffrage, nearly 3 million people voted, and the democratic camp won a huge victory, winning majority in 17 District Councils. As canaries in the monetary coal mine, we have repeatedly reminded the government to withdraw the extradition bill and fundamentally reform the system, and the march in Kowloon on 20 October was certainly an opportunity to reflect public opinion. Now, by imposing heavy penalties on us, the court is only punishing public opinion, trapping the canaries in a birdcage, or even stifling them in the palm of their hands, suffocating the freedom of expression.

The importance of persistence

As a result of the crackdown after the mass movement, we lost Apple Daily, the Hong Kong Professional Teachers' Union, and the Civil Human Rights Front. Many of our democratic leaders and comrades who had contributed to the movement were imprisoned, and many of our friends who had been passionately involved in the movement had been forced to lay low under the threat of the National Security Law. I still believe that the faith of Hong Kong people and the glory of humanity seen in 2019 will remain unchanged. I will never forget the millions of people who braved the rain and the heat to resist tyranny and evil laws, demonstrating our unity of purpose; I will never forget the crowds of people who gave way to ambulances, demonstrating our civility; I will never forget the young people who sacrificed their lives, demonstrating our courage and bravery; I will never forget the silver-haired who took to the streets to protect the youth, demonstrating our care for each other; I will never forget the "five demands" and the 2019 District Council election, demonstrating our rationality and decency.

Your Honour, I have nothing to be ashamed of and no remorse for what I did on that day. It is my great honour to be in prison with my comrades and to be able to walk with the public after my release. If the rule of law were to lose its democratic foundation, the courts would have no choice but to accept the legal restrictions set by the autocratic regime and become a political tool to eliminate dissent at any time. As Lord Hoffmann, a non-permanent overseas judge of the Court of Final Appeal, said, civil disobedience from the conscience has a long and honourable tradition, and history will prove us right. I hope that my comrades in arms who walked with me in protests will keep their faith and live in love and truth in the midst of this difficult time.

Finally, as I did nine years ago, I would like to say something to those who oppose us, borrowing the words of American civil rights leader Reverend Martin Luther King: "We shall match your capacity to inflict suffering by our capacity to endure suffering. We shall meet your physical force with soul force. Do to us what you will, and we shall continue to love you. We cannot in all good conscience obey your unjust laws because noncooperation with evil is as much a moral obligation as is cooperation with good. Throw us in jail and we shall still love you."

Peace be with me and my family, with Your Honour, and with the people of Hong Kong. There are no thugs, only tyranny; five demands, not one less! To god be the glory and to people be the glory!

The Fifth Defendant
Wong Ho Ming
19 August 2021

#學英文有現實面
#一天就只有15分鐘該怎麼練
#C式練英文法
一天只規劃15分鐘練英文可以嗎？
當然可以啊！
但你會覺得15分鐘都要讀新的東西，
還是選幾個有趣的字或是一段耐人尋味段落反覆練習呢？

我分享我的經驗好了，我也經歷過大家經歷過的，
高中時期每天背10個單字，每週背 / 考超過40個單字。
我背單字算滿快的，因為只要唸的出來，幾乎都可以拼的出來，
中文意思我也差不多可以用字根字首猜出來，每天差不多要花10~15分鐘勉強背完。
這個方式我沒說不好，因為它的確讓我考過重要的考試。
但我們要面對現實點：
1) 我們是過目不忘小神童嗎？不是，有科學根據告訴我們，學習任何新知，剛學會的當下印象深刻，48小時之內不再接觸，記憶力幾乎歸零，若在有效時間大量複習，記憶力有可能會回到100%。但當年，每天都要新記10個字，若還要多複習10~20個字，是要花多久啦！不用算物理化學數學背古文觀止喔？
2) 連我這個英文狂戀者都漸漸懼怕英文開始思考學英文的意義了

大人學英文也一樣，
身為老師，看到有同學能做到每天花15分鐘保持學英文習慣，
真的就要偷笑了，而且這種學生大概八個裡面只有一個，
其他七個，不論上課當下多專心，幾乎都是上課前一天或是當天下午才開始寫功課。

學英文就是需要面對時間這麼「現實」的問題，
當老師的就是要幫大家想辦法，
教他們一天只有15分鐘的話，到底應該怎麼使用？
並讓他們感同身受並持之以恆。
其實方法真的超多種，分享我今天心血來潮做的練習喔。

你們都知道我超愛This Is Us，有時我會邊看邊把感動到雞皮疙瘩掉滿地的台詞寫下來。
這段Rebecca回憶以前Randall還是小baby的一段話我非常喜歡，
索性就來好好的利用一下。
最基本的也最懶人的方法，就是像這樣念過去超過三次(以上)，
至於需要到多少次？就是看人囉。
若你每個字都卡住，當然最基本標準就是練習到順暢，每個字都在不停頓的前提下念過去，
接著才進入到感受文字、畫面的地步。
(這段影片中，我已經先大致順過兩次了，最後想要講得更像Rebecca那時的鋪陳)

念過去第一次的時候，重點稍微會放在卡住的單字，
像我就停頓在Joni Mitchel這個人名，和walkman這個已經快消失淘汰的字(就是以前放CD的那種隨身聽，當年出去逛街帶一台在身上真的超潮！)
另外還有跟Rebecca描述口吻有關的except…那一句的鋪陳。
到了第二(三)次之後，本來卡的地方會漸漸順暢，
但原本很順的地方仍然有可能又吃到舌頭，很正常。
而這時腦袋就有餘力把專注度放在引起你注意的語句或詞彙，
（可能是你喜歡的單字句子，也可能是讓你產生共鳴或有畫面的段落）
像我就超級能想像這段
“You’d stay pretty quiet as long as I kept rocking you. And then we would watch the sunrise together…But we would watch the light change through the curtain, and I would hold your warm little body against mine.”
因為以前半夜起來餵奶時我也是這樣天天看日出…（天啊～那段日子！）

接著就來幫自己畫重點：
「只要…就…」的句型（有沒有很像國小學生的習作練習？其實我們也是這樣練習長大的）
You’d stay pretty quiet as long as I kept rocking you. （我只要一直抱著你搖啊搖，你就會安靜地躺在我身上。）
來自己照樣造句一下～
My daughter would lock her eyes on me as long as I kept singing to her.（我只要一直對我女兒唱歌，她就會一直看著我。）

We would watch the sunrise together, except we couldn’t actually watch the sun come up because your siblings were asleep, and I didn’t want it to get too bright in there. But we would watch the light change through the curtain. （我們會一起看日出，但不是真的「看著太陽升起來」，因為你的哥哥姊姊都還在睡覺房間不能太亮，所以我們會透過窗簾看著外面漸漸亮起來。）
這邊有沒有注意到 except 不會硬是翻成「除了」，因為整段理解後，會發現裡面其實有點像是補充意味的在說明前面「看日出這件事」，口語上來說就是我們想補一句說「但不是真的這樣喔」。
watch the light change through the curtain 這句話太美了，有K書K到早上或是半夜起來餵奶餵到早上的母親們，你們一定懂我的！

最後，因為整段都是在回憶以前，所以一直用We would / I would去說那時「我們/我會做的事情」，稍微感受一下would的用法。

小小一段話，沒有新的單字，但實在是值得令人細細玩味！
先來個聽打，再唸出來細細品味，有空的話再來個英翻中，更紮實的話再試著中翻英回去，就會發現「啊～原來這句我會這樣講，但他這樣講更好耶！」有這種覺知時，就是漸漸改掉中式英文的開始了！

這關鍵就在於，你能夠耐著性子反覆研究這段話幾次？
對我來說，每次都有不同的學習點。

苦於沒有適合的素材嗎
別開玩笑了，一定有一首你很喜歡的英文歌但有一段老是呼隆哼過去對吧？
就在今天把歌詞找出來好好的觀察一下吧，
看著歌詞唸、再跟著唱，或再搭配MV練一遍，要怎麼樣練就怎麼樣！
重點是，你有沒有抓到屬於自己的那部分英文呢？
那真的是屬於你自己的喔！

《基因：人類最親密的歷史》，莊安祺譯：翻譯問題續探（二）

上一篇po出後有網友希望具體指出問題所在。另外，也得知出版社見文立即商議修改所提段落的翻譯問題：

//昨天與合作夥伴討論了原文翻譯與專業知識 ( 謝謝嘉儀與小安子 )，修正了譯文。覺得身在資訊流通的年代也有很大的好處，量產時代就算我們找盡資源還是力有未逮之處，尤其編輯不是專業人士，更是汗顏，而各路專業人士願意幫我們指出錯誤，讓我很感激，書能有不停修正至更臻完善的機會。//

在一本新書的熱銷期，樂見如此積極的作爲。本文：

一、討論上一篇指出的翻譯問題細節，供出版社參考；

二、討論網友一頁截圖中發現的新問題；

三、再加「博客來」試讀內容第一頁（此書前言的開頭）發現的誤譯。

//Once genes had been implicated in the development of sexual preference, the gay child was instantly transformed to normal. His 【hateful】 enemies were the abnormal monsters.

一旦性偏好的發展牽扯到基因，同性戀的孩子瞬間就變為正常，他【可惡的】敵人才是異常的怪物。//

說明：hateful 有兩個相反的意思，要從語境去弄清楚，這句話看了前文，加上末句有「才是」的對照語氣，意思非常清楚，是「懷著恨、充滿惡意的敵人」倒過來變成異常的怪物，而不是「可惡的敵人」。如果作者意指「可惡的敵人」，就不可能有 His hateful enemies were the abnormal monsters. 這句當中的「反而變成」、「才是」的含意。

hateful + 事物，意思通常很明白，是「可恨的」；hateful + 人，就要小心思考理解了，兩種意思都可能出現，光查字典幫不了你。

//It was boredom, more than activism, that prompted the search for the gay gene. Dean Hamer, a researcher at the National Cancer Institute, was not looking for controversy. He was 【not even looking for himself】. Although openly gay, Hamer had never been particularly intrigued by 【the genetics of any form of identity, sexual or otherwise.】

美國國家癌症研究所（National Cancer Institute）的研究員狄恩・哈默（Dean Hamer）並無意找碴，他甚至【也並不在乎自己的身分】，雖然他已出櫃，但對【任何形式的身分認同、性或其他遺傳學】並無特別興趣。//

說明：

1. not even looking for himself 的 looking 呼應同一段第一句 search for the gay gene（探尋是否有同性戀基因）的 search，兩個字都是「尋找」之意，所以這句意為「他甚至也不是爲了自己去探尋」，因爲下一句便說明原因：原來，他對很多東西根本不太感興趣，會發現同性戀基因，只不過因爲無聊、無意間發現。不懂這英文怎會理解成「不在乎自己的性向/身分」？根本瞎掰！

2. 下一句也很糟糕：Hamer 對「任何形式的身分認同、性或其他遺傳學」三件事不感興趣，中譯意思顯然是三種東西平行並列，但原文怎麼寫？the genetics of any form of identity, sexual or otherwise 這串字所指的，只有一件事，這是一個樹狀結構：of any form of identity 修飾 genetics，而 sexual or otherwise 又修飾 identity，整個合起來理解，就是「性(sexual)或其他方面的任何一種身分認同的遺傳成因」，也就是說，Hamer 對同性戀是否有遺傳成因並不太感興趣。

//He had tried, unsuccessfully, to study medicine at Edinburgh—but, horrified by the “screams of a strapped-down child 【amid the blood and sawdust】 of the . . . 【operating theater】,” had fled medicine to study theology at Christ’s College in Cambridge.

他本在愛丁堡習醫，卻因「【手術劇場】裡被綁縛的兒童【在血汙和鋸屑中】的尖叫」而驚悸，棄醫轉到劍橋大學基督學院研習神學。//
（中譯來自網友提供的截圖）

說明：

1.「手術劇場」真是個荒謬的譯法，operating theater 是醫院的手術示範室、手術觀摩室，像樣的字典會另立條目指出這個意思，不會跟「劇場」的意思混淆。在這樣一個空間，一邊進行手術、一邊讓見習醫師或訪問者居高觀摩，處理的是人命關天的真人真事，怎麼變成虛構故事的「劇場」了？在戰爭語境下，theater 是「戰場」，theater 同時也是「電影院」，也是「戲劇表演」，也可指「看表演的觀衆」（比較古老的用法）。最近有本出版熱烈宣傳的書，書名竟然就叫《手術劇場》，這是一種譁衆取寵的取名手段，不是原書名的直譯，但畢竟那是出版社爲了賣書、吸睛所擁有的權利和自由。在普通的文章裡，不同意義的 theater 就該有合適的譯法，否則要叫讀者如何理解？中國的中文譯法經常大而化之，電腦程式的 macro，和 macroeconomics 的 macro，一律是「宏」字；餐廳的 menu 和應用軟體的 menu 一律稱「菜單」，台灣請不要新創如「手術劇場」、「（二次大戰）歐洲劇場」這種沒水準的糟糕詞彙，中文沒有貧瘠到需要一詞用到底。

話說，香港有個動物醫院，網站有中英雙語介紹文，中文看來像是拙劣的半人工半機器翻譯的內容：
// 他們還接受靜脈輸液的利益，在手術過程中，包括絕育成本。手術是在無菌的方式和手術劇場。//
極爲可笑，不知所云，英文則是：
// They also receive the benefit of intravenous fluids during the surgery inclusive in the neutering cost. The surgery is carried out in a sterile manner and operative theater.//
這段英文拿去餵給 Google Translate 或 Bing 的機器翻譯，出來的結果都還勝過人工，機器都懂得把「operative theater」正確譯為「手術室」。難道現在一些譯者連查一查字典確認字義，或拜現代科技之賜、參考一下機譯結果這兩件事都懶得做了？

2. 同一句中譯裡，「在血汙和鋸屑中的尖叫」太過直譯 amid 這字，尖叫如何能在「鋸屑中」？這 blood and sawdust 指的是從手術臺流到地上的一灘血水，以及傾倒在地上用來吸收血水的木屑，可不是「人體鋸屑」，而木屑並沒有在空氣中亂飄，譯者寫出「在鋸屑中的尖叫」時，腦子不知浮現什麼奇異的「劇場」景象？我好像看到了譯者心中想像著，是不是那小孩的腿被鋸斷時，有「鋸屑」噴飛出來？

以下這一長段落，來自出版社提供的博客來試讀第一頁：

//Jagu—the fourth-born of my father’s siblings—came to live with us in Delhi in 1975, when I was five years old. His mind was also crumbling. Tall and rail thin, with a slightly feral look in his eyes and a shock of matted, overgrown hair, he resembled a Bengali Jim Morrison. Unlike Rajesh, whose illness had surfaced in his twenties, Jagu had been troubled from childhood. Socially awkward, withdrawn to everyone except my grandmother, he was unable to hold a job or live by himself. By 1975, deeper cognitive problems had emerged: he had visions, phantasms, and voices in his head that told him what to do. 【He made up conspiracy theories by the dozens: a banana vendor who sold fruit outside our house was secretly recording Jagu’s behavior. He often spoke to himself, with a particular obsession of reciting made-up train schedules】 (“Shimla to Howrah by Kalka mail, then transfer at Howrah to Shri Jagannath Express to Puri”). He was still capable of extraordinary bursts of tenderness—when I mistakenly smashed a beloved Venetian vase at home, he hid me in his bedclothes and informed my mother that he had “mounds of cash” stashed away that would buy “a thousand” vases in replacement. But 【this episode was symptomatic:】 【even his love for me involved extending the fabric of his psychosis and confabulation.】
一九七五年，當時我五歲，父親的四哥賈古搬來德里與我們同住。他也有精神崩潰的現象。賈古生得又高又瘦，帶著略顯凶悍的眼神和一頭糾結的亂髮，長得就像孟加拉版的美國歌手吉姆．莫理森（Jim Morrison）。和二十歲才發病的拉結什不同的是，他自幼就有精神問題。賈古生性內向畏縮，除了祖母之外，他對任何人都退避三舍，無法工作，生活也不能自理。到了一九七五年，他出現更嚴重的認知問題：幻象、幻覺，聽到腦裡有人指揮他要怎麼做。【他捏造了數十個陰謀：我家門外賣香蕉的小販偷偷記錄了賈古的言行舉止，說他自言自語，特別迷戀自訂的火車行程】 （「由西姆拉搭卡爾卡特郵車到豪拉，然後在豪拉轉札格納斯快車到浦里」）。他依舊會有溫情流露的時刻──有一次我不小心打破了家裡珍藏的威尼斯花瓶，他把我藏在他的被子裡，還告訴我媽他有「成堆的現金」可以買「上千個」花瓶賠償。不過，【這件事其實也說明了】【連他對我的愛都含有思覺失調和虛談症（confabulation）】//

說明：

1. He made up conspiracy theories by the dozens 後接一個冒號，這告訴我們，接下來的那句應該是要舉例陰謀，的確也是。不過，譯者卻誤解了英文，把再下一句的「自言自語」誤認為作者還在講述那陰謀，意思變成小販在無端指控賈古（「說他會自言自語、特別迷戀自訂的火車行程」），因此不是事實，但其實作者僅用一個短句舉例陰謀（a banana vendor who sold fruit outside our house was secretly recording Jagu’s behavior），接著便把主題拉回賈古身上，不再提陰謀，所以賈古的自言自語和覆誦火車行程，都是事實。

改：他捏造了數十個陰謀，例如：指控我們家門外賣香蕉的小販偷偷記錄了他的言行舉止。賈古也經常自言自語，特別執迷於覆誦他捏造的火車行程。

2. this episode was symptomatic 的翻譯頗敷衍，連醫學基本字彙都掌握不好，很令人不放心。symptomatic 是基本義「表現為某疾病的symptom」，不是引申義「某某事物即將發生的徵兆、跡象、預示」(sign, omen, portent)，原譯「說明」，似乎把 symptomatic 理解爲後者而脫離了「病徵、症狀」之意。

symptomatic 後接冒號，表示下一句的內容在解釋、釐清前一句。什麼病的symptom？psychosis 和 confabulation。psychosis 還不能譯為思覺失調，因爲作者到了下一段才交代賈古被醫生正式診斷有思覺失調，這一段，作者對賈古的病症只是稱之為較籠統的 psychosis，譯者不要隨便「劇透」，辜負作者細心的鋪陳。

改：不過，這個小插曲是病徵的展現，連他對我的愛也攙進他的精神錯亂和虛談症(confabulation)。

＊　＊　＊

順便介紹一下，此書除了譯者以外，還有好棒棒的專家「掛名」審訂、導讀，以及一堆名人「掛名」推薦：

臺灣大學生命科學系教授 于宏燦 審訂/導讀

朱雪萍、吳青錫、呂俊毅、李文雄、李家維、阮雪芬、洪蘭、孫以瀚、徐建國、陳沛隆、陳嘉祥、超級歪、董桂書、劉炯朗、鍾明怡、顏擇雅、蘇文慧 各界學者／名人好評推薦

＊　＊　＊

讀不了原文、必須靠翻譯書吸收知識的讀者，請多多運用你批判思考的本能，不要對翻譯照單全收，或誤以爲你自己腦袋有問題。譯文的品質不太可能改善，我們必須反求諸己。

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