我拍攝的電影,成果取決於拍攝地點。空間是可能性。所謂電影的「風格」或「觀感」不過是拍攝過程的結果。
預算以及對電影拍攝來說不太友善的環境往往造成局限,比如我們不能擅自把某空間的牆壁重新漆過或把門換掉。那麼就只能看看光在牆上或透過窗戶會映照出什麼樣的效果,再找出最好的做法。
所以,很多時候,在電影資金還沒完全籌集好,或是我還不清楚要不要、可不可接拍之前,都會想先看看外景,感受一下那地方。我需要知道導演關注劇本裏的什麼,現有的資金可以做到什麼,而空間又是否可以成為在電影的「一角」。
The films I make are very much a product of where they are shot. What is there suggests what is possible. What some call the ‘style’ or the ‘look’ of a film really just comes out of its process.
Given the budgets and the often not-too-friendly-to-film environments that I often work in, it's not possible to paint someone’s wall or change a door. How light falls on a wall or through a window suggests the best way to go.
So, often long before a film is ‘fully financed’ or even if I’m not too sure I can or want to do the film, I want to see the locations. I want to get a feel of the place. I need to hear what is relevant in the script for the Director, what works for the money, and how we can make the space a character in the film.
#三更2之餃子 #陳果 #攝影 #空間
#ThreeExtremesDumplings #FruitChan #cinematography #space
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【#TheDiplomat🌍】難得The Diplomat讀者對香港有興趣:
The series of iron-fisted moves last month in Hong Kong may seem sudden to international observers: Hong Kong government’s earlier reinterpretation of the China-Hong Kong relationship, the election of a pro-Beijing legislator to be a Legislative Council chair through a controversial mechanism, and Beijing’s recent decision to impose a national security law on Hong Kong. The desire to bring Hong Kong under the banner of “one country, one system” is not impulsive. Quite the contrary, it’s a calculated campaign to initiate a so-called “second reunification with Hong Kong” — since the first reunification after the handover, using a lenient soft-power approach, has supposedly failed.
What are Beijing’s calculations that motivate this bold campaign now? And more important, will the campaign work?
While I remain highly skeptical of solely applying the realist framework to study Hong Kong, Beijing’s mentality is nonetheless entirely realism-driven. It is therefore essential to use this lens to understand more of their thoughts.
COVID-19: A Golden Opportunity on the International Stage?
To start with, the coronavirus pandemic seems to have created an ideal backdrop for Beijing to push forward its iron-fisted policy toward Hong Kong. The West has been devastated by the pandemic, more so than China, and has been slower to recover economically. Instead of decoupling from China, Beijing thinks the West is desperate for an influx of Chinese capital and markets. This notion encourages Beijing to pursue brinkmanship, in the form of confrontative “wolf warrior diplomacy,” its escalation of sharp power, and, most recently, Hong Kong’s national security law. As long as the international community does not put their condemnation into action, Beijing will keep pushing the envelope.
Beijing is convinced that the chambers of commerce representing other countries in Hong Kong will always place profits above all else as long as the national security law does not threaten them. Business deals struck at the crucial moment can entice foreign businesses to use their lobby teams in their home countries in Beijing’s favor.
Although anti-China sentiment has become more mainstream, Beijing, the major beneficiary of globalization in the past two decades, has tied its destiny with various elites internationally. These “friends of China” can be swayed to safeguard Beijing’s interests, but the up-and-coming leaders in many countries look less friendly. Therefore, the window of opportunity for Beijing to act is closing before the new value-driven generation comes to power.
The Lack of Incentive Behind the U.S. and U.K.’s Escalating Rhetoric
While U.S. politicians from left to right are vocal against China, their ultimate goal, Beijing believes, is to win votes in the November election. They would hence avoid hurting the interest groups they represent and go easy on actions aiming to punish China, such as denying Hong Kong’s status as a separate customs territory, sanctioning Chinese companies listed in Hong Kong, or escalating the trade war.
Even though the Trump administration is ramping up the rhetoric to sanction China, protecting Hong Kong’s autonomy is not one of the United States’ core interests. In contrast, having control over Hong Kong is China’s core interest. Beijing would rather make concessions over other disputes with Washington in exchange for claiming victory in Hong Kong for its internal propaganda.
Britain, the co-signer of the Joint Declaration for Hong Kong’s handover, is arguably most entitled to denounce Beijing’s violation, which would give mandates to the United States to act. But Beijing is convinced that Britain, not as powerful as it used to be, will not make such a move. Beijing’s recent plans to withdraw businesses from the United States and list them in the London stock market is a move to place a wedge between the two powers. U.S. President Donald Trump’s unilateralism and his harsh stance against U.S. allies also strengthens Beijing’s conviction that the West will not follow the United States’ lead.
Beijing’s Divide and Conquer Strategy in Hong Kong
Hong Kong’s parliament, the Legislative Council (LegCo), is a major roadblock to Beijing’s control, as demonstrated twice since the handover — in 2003 when the national security law was first introduced and in 2019 with the anti-extradition legislation that sparked city-wide protests. In both setbacks, Beijing lost control when moderate pro-establishment legislators broke away from the party line in the face of public outcry. As the September LegCo election approaches, the last thing Beijing wants is for the election to become a de facto referendum on the single issue of the national security law, which could result in another landslide win for the democratic parties. The law would be untenable to the international community if it’s opposed by both pro-democracy voters, which according to polls account for 60 percent of the votes, and moderate pro-establishment voters.
The moderates, despite their reluctance to embrace hardline rule in Hong Kong, differ from the more militant faction within the non-establishment camp in that the former rejects the so-called “mutual destruction” option, which risks Hong Kong’s special trade status — its economic lifeline — as a bargaining tactic to force Beijing to back off. Now that Washington is considering withdrawing Hong Kong’s privileges, the possibility of mutual destruction is becoming real. As Beijing has been promoting a narrative that all supporters of the protest movement’s “Five Demands” are bringing about mutual destruction, Beijing hopes the moderates, in fear of losing their financial assets, might turn toward the establishment.
On the other hand, the pro-democracy camp is at risk of breaking apart. Moderate pro-democracy supporters have been going to rallies to keep up with the political momentum. However, marches with more than a million participants would be impossible under the current oppressive environment. For example, the authorities abuse COVID-19 social distancing measures to suppress rallies, permits for peaceful protests are increasingly difficult to obtain, pro-establishment businesses heavily censored the social media activities of employees, and outspoken individuals are often cyberbullied.
Without support from the moderates, some within the pro-democracy camp may radicalize, as Beijing expects. The radicalization would fit Beijing’s tactic of painting protests as separatism and terrorism, justifying the imposition of the national security law. The trajectory would be similar to Beijing’s handling of the 1959 Tibetan “riots,” during which Mao Zedong’s directive was “the more chaotic the scene, the better.”
The Nationalistic Agenda to Divert Domestic Attention
But after all, to Beijing, Hong Kong is not just Hong Kong. In the wake of the pandemic, Beijing urgently needs to uphold nationalism to divert unwanted attention from its economic crisis. That includes a global propaganda campaign to promote its triumph over COVID-19. Upgrading the Hong Kong protests to a national security issue — as a battle against foreign interference to complete the “reunification with Hong Kong” — best suits the nationalist atmosphere. The all-time low sense of belonging with China among the new generation in Hong Kong further justifies a strong-arm approach. The success of the strategy would offer a way to reunite with Taiwan, which would consolidate Xi’s leadership within the Communist Party.
Also, including the Hong Kong issue as part of the national agenda means that the Hong Kong government, which has already lost its will to govern, will dance to Beijing’s tunes.
This comprehensive crackdown on Hong Kong’s civil society is unprecedented. Beijing believes that the heavy-handed approach would pervade Hong Kong with a sense of powerlessness and bring it to its knees. As long as the international response is limited, the execution of the national security law, according to Chairman Mao’s “theory of contradiction,” will follow a script of “a soft hand” and “a firm hand.” That is, after its imposition, the law will initially apply restraint and be used only on individuals to set a stern example, so that the general public would feel as if the law does not impact them at all and property and stock prices would not fall. Gradually and subtly, if the realist formula of Beijing works, the “second reunification” could become a self-proclaimed success story for Beijing’s propaganda.
However, Beijing’s evaluations are not foolproof. Any single miscalculation could lead to a contradictory outcome for the People’s Republic of China. Is it really prepared?
▶️ 國安法:中國的現實主義框架
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HjhRbV8qTgo
⏺ 中美夏威夷峰會
https://www.patreon.com/posts/38378214
window script 在 張哲生 Facebook 的最讚貼文
祝我的母校師大附中70歲生日快樂!
651 張哲生
謝謝「讀角窗 UNIQORN」授權讓我轉載影片於此與各位分享
https://www.facebook.com/uniqorn.tw
國立臺灣師大附中的歷史:
1937年4月1日,臺北州立臺北第三中學校創立於今臺北市信義路三段143號。
二戰後,1945年12月,校名更改為臺灣省立臺北第三中學,之後在1946年1月再更名為臺灣省立臺北和平中學。
1947年4月10日,臺灣省教育廳正式行文同意於臺北和平中學原址籌設臺灣省立師範學院附屬中學,此後,每年的4月10日即為附中的校慶日。
1955年,臺灣省立師範學院改名為臺灣省立師範大學,附中隨之更名為臺灣省立師範大學附屬中學。
1967年7月,臺灣省立師範大學改隸為國立臺灣師範大學,附中跟著更名為國立臺灣師範大學附屬中學。
1979年5月2日,總統令公布高級中學法,同時廢止中學法,因此師大附中校名於新的學年度開始時(1979年8月)隨法令更改為「國立臺灣師範大學附屬高級中學」,並一直沿用至今。
順便一提,師大附中國中部於1980年成立,當年招收新生六班;附中雖然在創校初期(和平中學時代)曾有過初中部,但於1961年因應「省辦高中,市辦初中」政策而停止招生,一直到1980年8月才再度開辦國中部。
………………………….
《回首是藍天》 Blue Overtone
窗裡的年少 望向窗外的未來
那片湛藍天 因你選擇而存在
國立臺灣師範大學附屬高級中學七十週年校慶微電影
A Short Film for HSNU 70th Anniversary
………………………….
▍行政組 PRODUCTION UNIT
出品人 Presented by:
國立臺灣師範大學附屬高級中學校友會 HSNU Alumni Association
黃旭田(435) Otto Huang
監製 Executive Producer:
陳飛鵬(48)
製作人 Producers:
李如玉(542)Sophia Li
侯福義(466)Fu-Yi Hou
陳乘風(299)
陳志榮(590)
江復正(503)Johnny Jiang
製片統籌 Production Manager:
蘇庭睿(1137)Ting-Ruei Su
執行製作 Production Studio:
讀角窗 UNIQORN
http://www.uniqorn.com.tw
………………………….
▍編劇組 SCRIPT UNIT
編劇 Story:
葉明勳(742)Eric Yeh
腳本 Scripts:
廖俊傑 Danny Liao
葉明勳(742)Eric Yeh
蘇庭睿(1137)Ting-Ruei Su
分鏡 Storyboard:
葉明勳(742)Eric Yeh
陳逸書 Bkenoch Book
▍導演組 DIRECTOR UNIT
導演 Director:
葉明勳(742)Eric Yeh
副導演 Assistant Director:
廖俊傑 Danny Liao
表演指導 Director of Performance:
蘇庭睿(1137)Ting-Ruei Su
彭筱茵 Hsiao-Yin Peng
黃仲崑(324) Michael Huang
場記 Script Supervisor:
吳欣潔 Cindy Wu
▍攝影組 PHOTOGRAPHY UNIT
攝影指導 Director of Photography:
陳逸書 Bkenoch Book
攝影助理 Assistant of Photography:
張宸瑋 Chen-Wei Chang
技術指導 Technical Director:
陳領利 Jacky Chen
燈光指導 Gaffer:
陳領利 Jacky Chen
燈光助理|推軌 Best Boy and Dolly Grip:
陳永慶
平面攝影 Graphic Photography:
楊健文 Remy Yang
▍美術組 ART UNIT
美術指導 Art Director:
陳意宗(725)Benjamin Chen
化妝師 Makeup Artist:
游懿庭 Yi-Ting Yu
莊梅君
舊公車設計製作、教室假牆 Bus Scene&Classroom:
陳意宗(725)Benjamin Chen
電影《窗外》手繪海報、劇照卡 Poster&Card for “Outside the Window”:
葉明勳(742)Eric Yeh
《藍天》畫作、片尾手繪插畫 “Blue Sky” Painting and Ending Illustrations:
陳意宗(725)Benjamin Chen
▍樂聲組 MUSIC & SOUND
音樂總監 Music Director:
金大為(1046) DK David King
音樂製作 Music Production:
李承軒 Foo Lee
現場收音 Boom Operator:
曾煥炘 Sigo Tseng
廖俊傑 Danny Liao
▍後期製作 POST-PRODUCTION
剪輯|調光|特效 Editor, Colorist, VFX:
葉明勳(742)Eric Yeh
調光顧問 Coloring Consulters:
曾煥炘 Sigo Tseng
陳逸書 Bkenoch Book
音樂後製|成音|後製 Music&Sound Post-production:
金大為(1046) DK David King
旁白錄音 Voice-over Studio:
大為音樂 David Music Studio
………………………….
▍演員 ACTORS & ACTRESSES-HSNU
Michael-Michael (2017):
黃仲崑(324)Michael Huang
小 Mi-Michael (1974):
石知田(1172)Chih-Tian Shih
司機 Driver:
彭文達
合作社阿姨 Cashier (1974)
李如玉(542)Sophia Li
合作社小姐 Cashier (2017):
陳可馨 Sunny Chen
附中學妹(合作社)Girl in Shop (2017):
魏宇靜(1129)
小 Mi 教官 Military Instructor:
王雅志(514)Troy Wang
小 Mi 老師 Teacher:
江海邦(496)Hai-Pang Chiang
小 Mi 同學 Student (1974):
施心鵬(1400)
袁才育(1373)
陳永軒(1373)
蘇庭睿(1137)Ting-Ruei Su
附中學弟妹 (走廊)Students in Corridor:
鄭濬承(1428)
楊永清(1384)
李岢蓉(1431)
吳信賢(1346)
居哲瑋(1416)
Michael 替身Stuntman (2017)
陳意宗(725)Benjamin Chen
小 Mi 替身 Stuntman (1974):
曾健益
Chien-Yi Tseng
校門口路人 Pedestrians
陳意宗(725)Benjamin Chen
張宸瑋 Chen-Wei Chang
▍演員 ACTORS & ACTRESSES-Cafe, Play within a Play
劇中劇導演 Director in Cafe:
蘇庭睿(1137)Ting-Ruei Su
劇中劇年輕男 Boy in Cafe:
金大為(1046)DK David King
劇中劇年輕女 Girl in Cafe:
吳欣穎(1132)
劇中劇燈光師 Gaffer in Cafe:
黃冠穎(顯淞)(802)
劇中劇 Boom Man in Cafe:
吳宥錡(1303)
劇中劇美術 Art in Cafe:
陳意宗(725)Benjamin Chen
………………………….
▍特別感謝 SPECIAL THANKS
師大附中校長 Principle of HSNU:
洪仁進(432)
師大附中校長室秘書 Secretary of HSNU:
陳玲玲
師大附中學務處訓育組組長 Officer Of Student Affairs:
廖子瑩
師大附中文具部主任 Stationary Shopkeeper:
陳材河
曾煥炘先生 Sigo Tseng
吳欣潔小姐 Cindy Wu
劉遵五先生 Tsun-Wu Liu
黃冠穎(顯淞)(802)
河馬屋攝影整合 Hippo Photography Solution
https://www.facebook.com/hipporent
舞蹈生態系創意團隊 Dancecology
https://www.facebook.com/dancecology/
欒樹下書房 Editors Books
https://www.facebook.com/editorsbookscafe/
………………………….
▍片尾曲-〈藍天〉THEME SONG: “Blue Sky”
演唱 Vocal:
金大為 DK David King
作曲 Composer:
金大為 DK David King
作詞 Lyrics:
葉樹賢 Oatall Yeh
專輯 Album:
《有你 就足夠》”You Are My Everything”
唯我群體工作室 iDo Music Group, 2016
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01:40 การใส่หมายเลขแถวแบบไม่แยกตามกลุ่ม (without partition)
03:16 การใส่หมายเลขแถวแยกตามกลุ่ม (partition) เช่น แสดงหมายเลขแถวของจังหวัดแยกตามภูมิภาค โดยเมื่อมีกาารเปลี่ยนภูมิภาคก็จะเริ่มนับ 1 ใหม่
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ดูคอร์สเรียน UNFOX English
เว็บไซต์: www.unfoxenglish.com
หรือแอดไลน์: https://lin.ee/5uEdKb7h
ฝึกพูดภาษาอังกฤษด้วยตัวเองไม่ใช่เรื่องยาก แต่มันยากที่ความตั้งใจฝึกของเราเอง วิธีฝึกและเรียนรู้จากหนังเป็นอะไรที่ทำได้ง่ายและได้ผลเร็ว เพราะเราเลือกหนังที่เราชอบได้และดูมันได้บ่อยๆ ยิ่งเราฝึกจนฟังออกและพูดตามได้แล้วจะยิ่งรู้สึกชอบเข้าไปอีก มาฝึกด้วยกันดูนะ ง่ายนิดเดียว ที่ต้องทำคือแค่ทำมันบ่อยๆ จนเราได้ แค่นั้นเอง
#ฝึกอังกฤษจากหนัง #หนังฝึกภาษาอังกฤษ #twilight #ฝึกอังกฤษด้วยตัวเอง
ติดตามช่อง YouTube ส่วนตัว
ช่องยูทูปของแล็คต้า https://www.youtube.com/lactawarakorn
ช่องยูทูปของเบล https://www.youtube.com/bellvittawut
ติดตามช่องทางอื่นๆ และพูดคุยกันได้ที่
ชุมชนคนรักภาษาอังกฤษ https://www.unfoxenglish.com
FB: https://www.facebook.com/unfoxenglish
Twitter: https://www.twitter.com/unfoxenglish
Lacta's IG: https://www.instagram.com/lactawarakorn
Bell's IG: https://www.instagram.com/toshiroz
ติดต่องาน
Email: unfoxofficial@gmail.com
Line: http://nav.cx/oOH1Q6T
Script
Bella: So, how’s all the baseball stuff going?
Mom: Phil’s working so hard. You know, spring training. We’re looking for a house to rent in case things become more permanent. You’d like Jacksonville, baby.
Bella: Yeah? I’m really liking Forks.
Mom: What?
Bella: Forks is growing on me.
Mom: Could a guy have anything to do with that?
Bella: Well, yeah.
Mom: I knew it. Tell me every thing. What is he? Jock? Indie? I bet he’s smart. Is he smart?
Bella: Mom, can I talk to you later?
Mom: Come on, we gotta talk boys. Are you being safe?
Bella: How did you get in here?
Edward: The window.
Bella: Do you do that a lot?
Edward: Just a past couple of months. I like watching you sleep. It’s kind of fascinating to me. I just wanna try one thing. Just stay very still. Don’t move. Stop.
Bella: I’m sorry.
Edward: I’m stronger than I thought.
Bella: Yeah, I wish I could say the same.
Edward: I can’t ever lose control with you.
Bella: Hey, don’t go.
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